Art + Culture

反ユダヤ主義や「ドクメンタ15」という文脈で:昨日のメロン・メンデル氏 (フランクフルトのアンネ・フランク教育センター所長) のクネセト選挙に関する記事 In the Context of Antisemitism and documenta15: Yesterday’s Article by Meron Mendel (Director of the Anne Frank Educational Center in Frankfurt) regarding the Knesset Election

クネセト第3勢力:イタマール・ベン=グヴィールの「オツマ・イエフディット(ユダヤの力)Third-strongest party in the Knesset: Itamar Ben-Gvir's Otzma Yehudit (Jewish Strength)
クネセト第3勢力:イタマール・ベン=グヴィールの「オツマ・イエフディット(ユダヤの力)Third-strongest party in the Knesset: Itamar Ben-Gvir's Otzma Yehudit (Jewish Strength)

私はドイツのパスポートを持つアーティストとして、40年間、日本に住み、活躍しています。
今年、カッセルで開催された『ドクメンタ15』 (documenta15) を訪れました。
アーティストとしての私の仕事は、ドイツにおける反ユダヤ主義の複雑さを説明することでした。
無料で、ART+CULTUREの発表媒体のリンク先をご覧ください。

2022/7/29
I am a descendant of ROBERTO (Axis Roma-Berlin-Tokyo) . documenta15 should be closed down. Because there’s no weed. (lol)
私はROBERTO(枢軸国 ローマ・ベルリン・東京)の子孫である。ドクメンタ15は閉鎖されるべき。大麻草ないから。(笑)
https://art-culture.world/articles/documenta15/

2022/7/4
右翼の為、1千600万円で販売した、アドルフ・ヒトラー像を描いた井田幸昌。ファック・ユー。
IDA Yukimasa painted a portrait of Adolf Hitler, which sold for 120.000 US$, for the Right-Wing. FUCK YOU.
https://art-culture.world/articles/ida-yukimasa-adolf-hitler/

2022/6/22
「カッセルのユダヤ人雌豚」”Die Judensau von Kassel”
https://art-culture.world/articles/documenta-15/

2022/6/8
今日はドイツの緑の党、ロベルト・ハーベック副首相がパレスチナを訪問
German Green Party Vice Chancellor Robert Habeck visited Palestine today
https://art-culture.world/articles/green-party-robert-habeck/

2022/5/28
What is this Japanese Woman thinking, actually? さて。
https://art-culture.world/articles/what-is-this-japanese-woman-thinking-actually/

この関係で、ドイツでは、影響力を持つ、重要な専門家がいます:メロン・メンデル氏、Herr Meron Mendel。1976年、テルアビブ生まれ。社会福祉学教授、フランクフルトのアンネ・フランク教育センター所長。メンデルさんは、『ドクメンタ15』における既存の反ユダヤ主義を評価するよう依頼されました。

昨日、彼がイスラエルの選挙に関する記事を掲載し、『ドクメンタ15』の文脈で、私はこの記事を関心のある読者に紹介したいと思っています。
ぜひ、ご自身でご判断ください。

東京、令和4年11月3日
亜 真里男

クネセト選挙を終えて
イスラエルの王と呼ばれる
by MERON MENDEL
– 更新日時: 02.11.2022-19:52

イスラエルでは、二つの社会的陣営が不倶戴天に対立している。選挙結果を受けて、断絶が起きている。

イスラエルの右派の成功は、世界的に有名なベンヤミン・ネタニヤフ元首相と、つい最近までイスラエル国内でしか知られていなかったイタマール・ベン=グヴィールの顔という二つの顔によって成り立っている。彼の政党は今やクネセトで3番目に強い勢力となった。民衆扇動とテロ扇動で何度も投獄された有罪判決を受けた右翼過激派が、イスラエル政界のキングメーカーになり、ネタニヤフ首相の将来の内閣で最も重要な大臣になる可能性が高いというのは、まるで政治スリラーの筋書きみたいな話である。
実際、ベン=グヴィールは、イスラエル社会がここ数十年で遂げた変容を体現している。イスラエル社会は今、リベラル派と宗教派の間で、かつてないほど深く分裂している。この両極化は、イスラエルの二大都市に象徴されている。イスラエルの言説に従えば、ここテルアビブは享楽的でコスモポリタン、西欧的でクィア、そしてあそこはユダヤ民族主義で宗教的に正統なエルサレムという、これ以上ないほど異なる都市である。その結果、イスラエルの右翼は左翼を「テルアビブ国家」と侮辱している。ベン=グヴィール氏の出世で、今、それをノックアウトしている。

過激な立場、過激な反応

1995年、ベン=グヴィールは、ラビン首相(当時)に対するアジテーションで、初めてイスラエル国民の注目を集めることに成功した。ラビン首相がオスロ和平協定に調印し、パレスチナ人との和平交渉を勇気を持って進めた後、ユダヤ人民族主義者の扇動と敵対にさらされることになった。右翼の中でも、当時18歳だったイタマール・ベン=グヴィール氏は特に声が大きく、過激だった。ラビン首相の公用車に近づき、ボンネットのキャデラックの飾りを引きちぎり、走行中のカメラに向かって、「首相が過激なことをするときは、過激な反応を期待しなければならない」と言い放ったことは、今でも覚えている。
ベン=グヴィールのメッセージは紛れもないものだった。「お前も捕まえられるぞ」。数週間後、テルアビブの平和デモの後、別のユダヤ人右翼の過激派がラービンを射殺した。明日11月4日は、ラビン殺害から27年目の記念日である。政治スリラーの論理によれば、ベン=グヴィールがかつてラバンを扇動して始めたプロジェクトを完成させるのは理にかなったことであろう。シオニズムの建国の父たちがイスラエルを近代的で民主的なユダヤ人国家として構想したとすれば、ベン=グヴィールは(ネタニヤフとともに)、「ユダヤ人」を「民主的」よりも明らかに優先させた、まったく別のイスラエル像をいま起草しているのである。

イタマール・ベン=グヴィールとは、個人的にいくつかの出会いがあった。ラビン暗殺の1年後、私は若い兵士としてヘブロンに駐留していた。同い年のベン=グヴィールは、右翼的な過激派活動を理由に除隊し、アラブの街の中のユダヤ人集落に住んでいた。彼とその仲間は、時には屋根からアラブ人の通行人にレンガを投げつけ、時には露天商に嫌がらせをして市場を混乱させることもあった。私たち兵士は、彼が私たちを「ナチス」「裏切り者」と呼び、唾を吐きかける間、挑発者を止めることがほとんどできなかった。やがて、彼は自分の仕事ぶりに磨きをかけていった。彼は法律を学び、弁護士となり、志を同じくする友人たちがアラブ人に対するテロ行為で裁判にかけられたとき、彼らの弁護をした。
ベン=グヴィールもまた、レトリックを更新した。ヘブロンで「アラブ人に死を」と叫んだ。彼はヘブロンで「アラブ人に死を」と叫んだが、今では「テロリストに死を」と、より親しみを込めて言うようになった。彼は相手を威嚇し、自分の男らしさを示すためにポケットからピストルを取り出すのが好きだが、表向きは「自衛」のためだけにそうしている。要するに、ベン=グヴィールは変わっていないように見えるのだ。むしろ、イスラエル社会が変わったのだ。一昔前は右翼のお荷物として叱られていたが、今ではトークショーのゲストとして歓迎され、正当な連立パートナーでもある。ベン=グヴィールは、街角やショッピングモール、さらには学校でもヒーローとして讃えられるようになった。子供たちは、この親しみやすいアラブ人嫌いの男と自撮り写真を撮ってくれとせがむ。

テルアビブ国家 vs. エルサレム国家

イスラエルの変貌は、人口動態の変化によるものでもある。テルアビブ州」の市民は、主に世俗的なアシュケナジム、つまりヨーロッパ系のユダヤ人で、コスモポリタンな大都市やキブツに住んでいる。平均以上の学歴を持ち、海外との交流も盛んで、自らを西欧世界の一員とみなしている。一家に二人程度の子供しかいないこの人口集団は、明らかに「エルサレム国家」の市民に遅れをとっている。その大半はミスラチ、つまりアラブ系のユダヤ人で、周辺部の小さなイスラエルの町やヨルダン川西岸地区の入植地の住民である。
エルサレム州」のもう一つの決定的な人口集団は、正統派と超正統派のユダヤ人である。彼らの間では、平均出生率は一家族あたり6.7人と長年一定に保たれている。そして、「エルサレム州」の市民は、たとえばベンジャミン・ネタニヤフの汚職スキャンダルにはまったく感心しない。彼らにとっては、法の支配や三権分立といった民主主義の原則は外来語なのだ。その過程で自分が潤うとしても、強い人間を求めるのである。

イスラエルは、数十年前に蒔かれた種を昨日の選挙で刈り取った。建国者の政党である労働党が政治地図からほぼ完全に消し去られたことは、遅きに失した正義と見る向きもあろう。結局のところ、超正統派ユダヤ人がますます権力を持ち、国の教育制度や労働市場から離れて、例えば、数学も英語もコンピューター技術も教えないが、国が全額出資する彼ら自身の学校で、反民主的な価値観を培うことを許したのは、州の創設者ダヴィド・ベングリオンなのである。
何十年もの間、リベラルな価値観やパレスチナ人に対する憎悪は、エルサレムやブネイ・ブラク、後には入植地の隔離されたコミュニティで育ち、栄えてきた。1967年の戦争後、ヨルダン川西岸地区の占領地を維持しようとしたのも労働党の首相たちであった。ヨルダン川西岸での入植計画は、労働党がまだ政権を担っていた頃に始まった。当時、哲学者のイェシャヤフ・ライボヴィッツの助言は、華々しい勝利の数ヵ月後に占領地から撤退することだった。さもなければ、シオニズムの理念は “偉大なるイスラエルという妄想 “の犠牲になると、ライボヴィッツは警告したのだ。今、彼の予言は現実のものとなりつつある。「妄想」とは、民主主義を脅かすすべてを含んだパッケージであり、法治と司法の解体、市民社会の解体、イスラエルのパレスチナ市民との平等な共存、ヨルダン川西岸とガザのパレスチナ人との平和的解決へのすべての望みを絶つことである。

「テルアビブ・ステート」の市民は、自分たちの国でますます疎外感を感じている。イスラエルの民主主義はまだ救われるのだろうかと、彼らは考えている。イスラエルが今後数年のうちに、トルコやハンガリーのような「欠陥民主主義国家」になってしまう危険性を警告する人もいる。アメリカの政治学者Steven LevitskyとDaniel Ziblattは、このような事態がどのように起こるかを説明している。革命やクーデターではなく、日常的にゆっくりと進行していくのです。市民が気づいたときには、たいてい手遅れなのです。
昨夜、私はイスラエルのテレビで、政治的勝利者の祝賀会を見た。イタマール・ベン=グヴィールが登壇すると、彼の支持者たちは “Ben-Gvir, King of Israel “と熱狂的に叫ぶのだ。その時、私はふと25年前にヘブロンで対面した時の状況を思い出した。激しい議論の末、ベン=グヴィールは私の方に地面に唾を吐き、それから微笑んで去っていった。昨日、彼は民主主義と人権を信じるすべてのイスラエル人に唾を吐いたのだ。

以上。

(English translation from German)

After the Knesset Election
They call him King of Israel
By MERON MENDEL
– updated on 02.11.2022-19:52

Two social camps are irreconcilably opposed to each other in Israel. With the election results, there is a rupture.

The success of the Israeli right is based on two faces: the world-famous one of Benjamin Netanyahu, the former and future prime minister, and the face of Itamar Ben-Gvir, a figure who until recently was known only in Israel. His party has now become the third strongest force in the Knesset. The rise of the convicted right-wing extremist, who has been jailed several times for incitement of the people and incitement to terror, to kingmaker in Israeli politics and most likely the most important minister in Netanyahu’s future cabinet sounds like the plot of a political thriller.
In fact, Ben-Gvir embodies the transformation that Israeli society has undergone in recent decades. For Israel’s society is now more deeply divided than ever: between the (ever-shrinking) liberal-secular camp and the (ever-stronger) nationalist-religious camp. The polarization is embodied by the two major Israeli cities, which, if one follows the Israeli discourse, could not be more different: Here, hedonistic, cosmopolitan, Western, queer Tel-Aviv – there, Jewish-nationalist and religiously Orthodox Jerusalem. Consequently, right-wingers in Israel insult the left as the “Tel Aviv state.” With his rise, Ben-Gvir is now knocking it out.

Radical Positions, Radical Reactions

As early as 1995, Ben-Gvir succeeded in gaining the attention of the Israeli public for the first time by agitating against then-Prime Minister Yitzchak Rabin. After Rabin signed the Oslo peace agreement and courageously pushed ahead with the peace process with the Palestinians, he was subjected to agitation and hostility from Jewish nationalists. Among the right-wingers, Itamar Ben-Gvir, then eighteen years old, was particularly vocal and radical. I still remember how he approached Rabin’s official car, tore the Cadillac ornament off the hood, held it up to the running cameras, and said, “When the prime minister does radical things, he must expect radical reactions.”
Ben-Gvir’s message was unmistakable: We’ll get you, too. A few weeks later, another Jewish right-wing radical shot Rabin after a peace demonstration in Tel-Aviv. Tomorrow, November 4, will be the 27th anniversary of Rabin’s murder. According to the logic of the political thriller, it would be only logical for Ben-Gvir to complete the project he once started by inciting Rabin. If the founding fathers of Zionism envisioned Israel as a modern, democratic and Jewish state, Ben-Gvir (together with Netanyahu) is now drafting a completely different vision of Israel, in which the “Jewish” is clearly placed before the “democratic”.

I had some personal encounters with Itamar Ben-Gvir. A year after Rabin’s assassination, I was stationed as a young soldier in Hebron. Ben-Gvir, the same year as me, had been mustered out because of his right-wing extremist activities and lived in a Jewish settlement inside the Arab city. Sometimes he and his friends threw bricks from the roof at Arab passers-by, sometimes he harassed street vendors and caused turmoil in the market. We soldiers could hardly stop the provocateur while he called us “Nazis” and “traitors” and spat at us. Over time, he refined his working methods. He studied law, became a lawyer, and represented his like-minded friends when they were on trial for terror against Arabs.
Ben-Gvir also updated his rhetoric. “Death to the Arabs,” he shouted back in Hebron. Today, he says, somewhat more connectively, “Death to terrorists.” He likes to pull his pistol out of his pocket to intimidate opponents and demonstrate his manliness, but ostensibly he does so only in “self-defense.” In essence, Ben-Gvir does not appear to have changed. Rather, Israeli society has changed: A generation ago, he was scolded as a right-wing pariah, but today he is a welcome guest on talk shows and a legitimate coalition partner. Ben-Gvir is celebrated as a hero on the streets, in shopping malls and even in schools. Children ask for selfies with the friendly Arab-hater.

Tel Aviv State vs. Jerusalem State

Israel’s transformation is also a result of demographic trends. The citizens of the “Tel-Aviv State” are primarily secular Ashkenazim, i.e., Jews of European descent who live in the cosmopolitan metropolis or in the kibbutzim. They have an above-average level of education, maintain contacts abroad and see themselves as part of the Western world. With about two children per family, this population group clearly lags behind the citizens of the “Jerusalem state.” The majority of these are Misrachi, i.e., Jews of Arab descent, residents of small Israeli towns on the periphery or of settlements in the West Bank.
Another decisive population group in the “Jerusalem State” are the Orthodox and ultra-Orthodox Jews. Among them, the average birth rate has remained constant at 6.7 children per family for years. And citizens of the “Jerusalem State,” for example, are completely unimpressed by Benjamin Netanyahu’s corruption scandals. For them, democratic principles such as the rule of law or the separation of powers are foreign words. They demand a strong man, even if he enriches himself in the process.

Israel reaped in yesterday’s election what was sown decades ago. That the Labor Party, the party of the state’s founders, was almost completely wiped off the political map may be seen by some as belated justice. After all, it was state founder David Ben-Gurion who allowed ultra-Orthodox Jews to gain more and more power and cultivate their anti-democratic values away from the state education system and the labor market – for example, in their own schools that teach no math, no English and no computer skills, but are fully funded by the state.
For decades, hatred against liberal values and the Palestinians grew and flourished in the segregated communities of Jerusalem, in Bnei Brak and later in the settlements. It was also the prime ministers of the Labor Party who wanted to keep the occupied territories in the West Bank after the 1967 war. The settlement project in the West Bank began when the Labor Party was still in power. At that time, the advice of philosopher Yeshayahu Leibowitz was to withdraw from the occupied territories a few months after the spectacular victory. Otherwise, Leibowitz warned, the Zionist idea would be sacrificed to the “delusion of a great Israel.” Now his prophecy is becoming reality, for the “delusion” is an all-inclusive package that threatens democracy: dismantling of the rule of law and the judiciary, dismantling of civil society, and the end of all hope for equal coexistence with the Palestinian citizens of Israel and a peaceful solution with the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza.

Citizens of the “Tel-Aviv State” feel increasingly alien in their own country. They wonder whether Israeli democracy can still be saved. Some warn of the danger that Israel could turn into a “defective democracy” along the lines of Turkey or Hungary in the coming years. The American political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt explain how this happens: It usually happens not in a revolution or during a coup, but with a slow everyday process. By the time citizens notice, it is usually too late.
Last night I watched the celebration of the political victors on Israeli television. When Itamar Ben-Gvir took the stage, his supporters enthusiastically shouted “Ben-Gvir, King of Israel.” Then I suddenly remembered a situation twenty-five years ago in Hebron when we stood face to face. After a heated argument, Ben-Gvir spat on the ground in my direction, then smiled and left. Yesterday he spat on all Israelis who believe in democracy and human rights.

(End)

Original:
NACH DER KNESSET-WAHL
Sie nennen ihn König von Israel
VON MERON MENDEL
-AKTUALISIERT AM 02.11.2022-19:52
https://www.faz.net/aktuell/feuilleton/debatten/sie-nennen-ihn-koenig-von-israel-18432296.html


イスラエルの一つの問題はこちら:

Israel’s Mizrahi Activists Are Fighting the Racist Nation State Law

up-date 2022/11/3

Netanyahu Set to Seal Victory, Returning Him to Power in Israel Within Weeks
Benjamin Netanyahu is on track to return as prime minister at the helm of one of the most right-wing governments in Israeli history.
His coalition could test the constitutional framework and social fabric of the country.
https://www.nytimes.com/2022/11/03/world/middleeast/israel-netanyahu-election.html

up-date 2022/11/8

The New York Times, Opinion

Israel’s New Kingmaker Is a Dangerous Extremist and He’s Here to Stay
Nov. 7, 2022

クネセト第3勢力:イタマール・ベン=グヴィールの「オツマ・イエフディット (ユダヤの力)
クネセト第3勢力:イタマール・ベン=グヴィールの「オツマ・イエフディット (ユダヤの力)

On election night in Israel

By Joshua Leifer
Mr. Leifer is a contributing editor at Jewish Currents who frequently writes about Israel and Israeli politics.

Late Tuesday night in Jerusalem, Itamar Ben-Gvir, the leader of the far-right Jewish Power Party, stood onstage triumphant before a raucous, ecstatic crowd. His supporters chanted, “Look who it is, the next prime minister!” as trance beats blared in the background. Mr. Ben-Gvir, in fact, had not been elected prime minister, but he will have played an instrumental role in returning Benjamin Netanyahu to power.
Mr. Ben-Gvir beamed down at his supporters and began his speech. When he pledged to deal harshly with those disloyal to Israel, they broke out in chants of “Death to terrorists,” a sanitized version of the slogan that is often a fixture at right-wing rallies: “Death to Arabs.” Mr. Ben-Gvir also expressed his thanks to Dov Lior, a rabbi who gave theological justification for the 1995 assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin by a far-right Israeli.
Together with the Religious Zionism party, led by Bezalel Smotrich, Jewish Power won the third-largest share of seats in the Knesset, providing Mr. Netanyahu with enough support to form a governing coalition. Jewish Power waged a populist campaign that resonated especially among young Jewish Israelis; nearly as many active-duty troops voted for Mr. Ben-Gvir and Mr. Smotrich’s party list as did for Mr. Netanyahu’s chief rival, the centrist Yair Lapid. Mr. Ben-Gvir is now a kingmaker in Israeli politics; he wants to be king. “Friends, I’m only 46 years old,” he told his supporters on Tuesday night. “I’m not prime minister — yet.”
Mr. Ben-Gvir has good reasons to feel confident. In 1995, when he infamously threatened Mr. Rabin on television just weeks before Mr. Rabin’s killing, Mr. Ben-Gvir appeared to many a dangerous extremist. Today his views fit within much of the Israeli mainstream. They are even more common among younger Israelis, who overwhelmingly identify with the right.
Israel’s shift rightward has been long in the making. Mr. Rabin’s assassination also killed the Israel that Mr. Rabin was imagined to represent. The Israel that many Americans — and especially American Jews — fondly remember for its irreverent secularism and vaguely social-democratic ethos no longer exists. It was always more myth than reality, but the facts that enabled the myth are gone: A conservative interpretation of Judaism increasingly dominates the public sphere. The last left-wing parties are headed to the grave. The idea that Jews and Arabs should have equal rights is supported by only a minority of Jewish Israelis.
Since at least Mr. Netanyahu’s second term in 2009, outright anti-Palestinian racism has become a routine feature of Israeli discourse, as Mr. Netanyahu successively normalized politicians seen to represent the most belligerent forms of ethnonationalism: In 2010 it was Avigdor Lieberman, who called for transferring out of areas where Palestinian-Arab citizens of Israel were the majority; in 2013, it was Naftali Bennett, who called for annexing parts of the West Bank (and later replaced Mr. Netanyahu as prime minister). In February 2019, when Mr. Netanyahu first gave his stamp of approval to the Jewish Power party, it was not an aberration but the culmination of a steady march. It was also a recognition, on Mr. Netanyahu’s part, that the difference between his mainstream-right Likud party and the extreme right was now a matter of degree.
The real reasons for this shift defy the conventional explanations. Yes, the violence of the second intifada in the early 2000s disillusioned many Jewish Israelis about the possibility of peace with the Palestinians. But the subsequent decade and a half, during most of which Mr. Netanyahu was prime minister, largely insulated most Israelis from the consequences of their government maintaining an indefinite occupation of the West Bank and siege of the Gaza Strip. Support for a two-state solution practically evaporated, and the issue nearly disappeared from Israeli discourse.
The past five years have seen far fewer Israeli civilian and military casualties than in the 1990s and early 2000s, but the Israeli Jewish public has also become much less willing to stomach losses. In the wake of the 21-day war last spring — sparked by an Israeli raid on the Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem and responded to with rocket fire from Gaza — and the interethnic violence in so-called mixed cities, Mr. Ben-Gvir channeled Israelis’ desire for a quick and easy solution to what some call the “Palestinian problem” by proposing to resolve it by force. His party’s platform promises “the establishment of sovereignty over all parts of Eretz Israel liberated in the Six-Day War and settlement of the enemies of Israel in the Arab countries that surround our small land.”
Demographics are not destiny, but in Israel they could enable a permanent majority for the religious-right coalition that has solidified through the decade-plus of Mr. Netanyahu’s dominance. Mourning the election results, Israel’s secular liberals lament that they increasingly find themselves a minority in their own country: More than half of Jewish Israelis currently identify as traditional, religious or Haredi (ultra-Orthodox), and demographers expect these politically conservative populations to increase as a share of Israel’s population. Not only do roughly two-thirds of Jewish Israelis ages 18 to 34 identify as right wing, but also, according to a 2016 Pew Survey, 49 percent of Jewish Israelis ages 18 to 49 agree that “Arabs should be expelled or transferred from Israel,” compared with 44 percent who disagree.
While Mr. Ben-Gvir has perhaps been the loudest voice in the ascendant right, he is far from unique: The next Netanyahu-led government will be the most right wing and Orthodox in the country’s history. It will include such figures as Mr. Smotrich, the Religious Zionism leader and a self-described “proud homophobe,” as well as stridently anti-L.G.B.T.Q. members of Haredi parties. The glue that will hold this coalition together is a form of theocratic Jewish supremacy that, on the ground, will translate most of all into increased repression of Palestinians and other non-Jewish minorities.
Mr. Netanyahu once served as a brake on the more ambitious proposals from his right-wing coalition partners, but now he is more beholden to them than ever before, for returning him to power and potentially for helping him evade corruption charges, in part through the crippling of the courts.
Yet even if he does beat his corruption trial, he will not lead Israel’s right forever. Mr. Netanyahu is 73 years old. The 17-year era of his leadership has seen the near elimination of secular and moderate right-wingers from Likud, which has mutated into a populist party in thrall to its charismatic leader. But this also means the party’s future is uncertain without him. When Mr. Netanyahu inevitably exits public life, he will leave a vacuum on the right that Mr. Ben-Gvir is poised to fill.
Part of what enabled Mr. Ben-Gvir’s success was that while he did not hide the religious elements of his agenda, he campaigned to represent a range of Jewish Israeli society. His party includes figures who typically find themselves in separate parties: Although many in Jewish Power are hard-line, Orthodox West Bank settlers, others are secular hawks. There are Sephardic traditionalists, who identify with Mr. Ben-Gvir as the son of Iraqi-Kurdish immigrants, and young Ashkenazi Haredim who are disillusioned with the conventional Orthodox parties.
In his election night speech, Mr. Ben-Gvir averred that his party owed its success to its ability to “represent everyone — secular and religious, ultra-Orthodox and traditional, Sephardim and Ashkenazim.” His rhetoric combines blunt ethnonationalism, worship of the land of Israel and veneration of the armed forces. In the past, the leaders of the extreme right disdained the Israeli mainstream and sought to distance themselves from it; Mr. Ben-Gvir, by contrast, wants to represent it.

Joshua Leifer is a contributing editor at Jewish Currents and a Dissent editorial board member.

https://www.nytimes.com/2022/11/07/opinion/itamar-ben-gvir-israel-election.html

ここに載せたテクストと写真は、すべて「好意によりクリエーティブ・コモン・センス」の文脈で、反ユダヤ主義や「日本美術史とドクメンタ」の記録の為に発表致します。
For the record, especially in the context of Antisemitism and “Japanese Art History with documenta”.
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