左翼の為。飯山由貴「ユダヤ人絶滅」の宣言。ファック・ユー。 For the Left. IIYAMA Yuki proclaims the "Extermination of Jews". FUCK YOU.

右翼の為、1千600万円で販売した、アドルフ・ヒトラー像を描いた井田幸昌。ファック・ユー。
IDA Yukimasa painted a portrait of Adolf Hitler, which sold for 120.000 US$, for the Right-Wing. FUCK YOU.
https://art-culture.world/articles/ida-yukimasa-adolf-hitler/

の続き。
“Everybody” in Japan knows, that since 18 I am constantly voting for the German Green Party.

Don’t tell me, I am right-wing!

I don’t think that any of the Japanese contemporary artists cooperated with ADACHI Masao 足立正生 like me! See his film “Prisoner / Terrorist” 幽閉者 テロリスト together with me.

Just to give you an idea.

or

or

I am a descendant of ROBERTO (Axis Roma-Berlin-Tokyo) . documenta15 should be closed down. Because there’s no weed. (lol)
私はROBERTO（枢軸国 ローマ・ベルリン・東京）の子孫である。ドクメンタ15は閉鎖されるべき。大麻草ないから。(笑）
https://art-culture.world/articles/documenta15/

パレスチナ・イスラエル友人関係の象徴：エドワード・サイードとダニエル・バレンボイムのウェスト＝イースタン・ディヴァン管弦楽団
Symbol of Palestinian-Israeli Friendship: Edward Said and Daniel Barenboim’s West-Eastern Divan Orchestra
https://art-culture.world/articles/arab-israeli-orchestra/

日独伊三国同盟ファシズム：横山大観とベニート・ムッソリーニ
Fascism Axis Japan-Germany-Italy: Nihonga Painter YOKOYAMA Taikan and Benito Mussolini
https://art-culture.world/articles/fascism-axis-japan-germany-italy-nihonga-painter-taikan-yokoyama-and-benito-mussolini/

天皇制の為：下らない横山大観戦争画 ー 内閣総理大臣顕彰受賞者村上裕二
For The Sake Of The Emperor: Trashy Taikan YOKOYAMA – Yuji MURAKAMI (Prime Minister’s Award Honoree)
https://art-culture.world/articles/for-the-sake-of-the-emperor-trashy-taikan-yokoyama-yuji-murakami-prime-ministers-award-honoree/

抵抗運動に参加しなかった横山大観や藤田嗣治との関係：ギリシャのフォークヒーロー、ミキス・テオドラキスの日独伊ファシズム・レジスタンス
In The Context of Artists Like YOKOYAMA Taikan And FOUJITA Tsuguharu, Who Didn’t Join The Resistance Movements: Greece’s Folk Hero Mikis Theodorakis’ Japanese-German-Italian Fascist Resistance
https://art-culture.world/articles/mikis-theodorakis-横山大観-藤田嗣治/

退廃芸術のアーティストたちのドイツ記念切手 (過去サイト・アーカイブの再投稿、2017年5月13日)
Deutsche Post Gedenk-Briefmarken zu Künstlerinnen und Künstler der “Entarteten Kunst” (repost from the archive, 2017/5/13)
https://art-culture.world/articles/entartete-kunst-退廃芸術-アーティスト-ドイツ記念切手/

2021年5月8日の認知症予防。「ロベール・デスノス、藤田嗣治、藤田ユキ、藤田君代。レジスタンス 対 戦争犯罪人。」
Dementia Prevention on 8th of May 2021. “Robert Desnos, Tsuguharu Foujita, Youki Foujita, Kimiyo Foujita. Résistance vs War Criminal.”
https://art-culture.world/articles/robert-desnos-tsuguharu-foujita-youki-foujita-kimiyo-foujita-resistance-vs-war-criminal/

イタリア夏休み「L’amore non e bello se non mangi cocco bello」と反ファシズム・パルチザン軍事
Summer Holidays in Italy “L’amore non e bello se non mangi cocco bello” + Guerra di Liberazione, Brigate Partigiane
https://art-culture.world/articles/summer-holidays-in-italy-lamore-non-e-bello-se-non-mangi-cocco-bello/

反ユダヤ主義や「ドクメンタ15」という文脈で：昨日のメロン・メンデル氏 (フランクフルトのアンネ・フランク教育センター所長) のクネセト選挙に関する記事
In the Context of Antisemitism and documenta15: Yesterday’s Article by Meron Mendel (Director of the Anne Frank Educational Center in Frankfurt) regarding the Knesset Election
https://art-culture.world/articles/antisemitism/

ジョアン・ミッチェルのアート・ディーラーが突然変更に：「このアート界はとても野蛮になった」/ (＋ ポンピドゥー・センター・メッス画像)
In the context of recent changes by Joan Mitchell’s art dealers: : “This art world has become so uncivilized” // (+ pics from the Centre Pompidou-Metz)
https://art-culture.world/articles/joan-mitchells-art-dealers-problem-this-art-world-has-become-so-uncivilized/

平穏な社会政治的アート・アクティヴィズム、傑出した「マクドナルド放送大学」作 by 高山明 @ MISA SHIN GALLERY
Peaceful Sociopolitical Art Activism with the Excellent Work “McDonald’s Radio University” by TAKAYAMA Akira @ MISA SHIN GALLERY
https://art-culture.world/articles/takayama-akira-misa-shin-gallery/

毒山 凡太朗の卓越したアート実践は日本の社会経済の歴史を深く考えさせる
Exceptional Artistic Practice By DOKUYAMA Bontaro Inspires Deep Thoughts On Japanese Socio-Economic History
https://art-culture.world/articles/dokuyama-bontaro-exceptional-artistic-practice-毒山-凡太朗/

中国・四国、九州地方の時代遅れ、保守系の政治家たち
Antiquated, Conservative Politicians from the Region of Chūgoku-Shikoku and Kyushu
https://art-culture.world/articles/antiquated-conservative-politicians-from-the-region-of-chugoku-shikoku-and-kyushu/

LDP Politician TANIGAWA Yaichi “I have to kill myself” X：「谷川弥一。「辞めてきて、これ以上責任取れ言うなら、死ぬ以外の方法ないですよ。俺が悪いんだって言ってるじゃないですか、何回も何回も！」。
なんなんだこの男は。こんなのが国会議員をやれる国。」
https://art-culture.world/articles/kyushu-ldp-九州-自民党/

我が国にっぽんの恥「日展」 “Nitten”, the Shame of our Nation Nippon
https://art-culture.world/articles/nitten-the-shame-of-our-nation-nippon/

非常に優れている企画展「Viva Video! 久保田成子展」@ MOT！
（現代の最高の日本人アーティストである長島有里枝さんは久保田成子の正統な後継者）
https://art-culture.world/articles/kubota-shigeko-museum-of-contemporary-art-tokyo-久保田成子/

ソーシャリー・エンゲイジド、優れたアーティスト長島有里枝：母性・文学・盲目、、、写る可能性と不可能 @ 横浜市民ギャラリーあざみ野 & ちひろ美術館
Socially Engaged, Excellent Artist NAGASHIMA Yurie: Motherhood – Literature – Blindness… Possible and Impossible Photography @ Yokohama Civic Art Gallery – Azamino & Chihiro Art Museum
https://art-culture.world/articles/nagashima-yurie-excellent-artist/

「カッセルのユダヤ人雌豚」”Die Judensau von Kassel”
https://art-culture.world/articles/documenta-15/

今日はドイツの緑の党、ロベルト・ハーベック副首相がパレスチナを訪問
German Green Party Vice Chancellor Robert Habeck visited Palestine today
https://art-culture.world/articles/green-party-robert-habeck/

Hamas is a murderous terrorist group fighting for the annihilation of the state of Israel and the death of all Jews.

Regarding the Muslim Hamas Massacre (and the first invasion of Israeli home territory since the Arab-Israeli War of 1948) = rapes on Jewish women, = rapes on Jewish children, = killing of Jewish families with their children on the 7th October 2023 (and still ongoing rapes on Jewish women in Gaza)…

update 2024/3/27

https://www.nytimes.com/2024/03/26/world/middleeast/hamas-hostage-sexual-assault.html

(End of up-date)

…means, the second massacre on Jewish People after the Holocaust, most Germans have a clear stance, which is symbolised by the speech of Vice Chancellor and Federal Minister Robert Habeck from the Green Party, on November 1st, 2023.
I share also the opinion “Kein Einer und kein Andrer mehr” (November 2023) of Nobel Prize Winner in Literature (2004), Austrian Elfriede Jelinek about the Hamas Massacre. See attached text, below.

Of course, Israel must abide by international law and international standards. But the difference is this: would someone ever frame such expectations of Hamas?
It was the men of Hamas, who cruelly murdered children, parents, and grandparents in their homes.
Whose Muslim fighters mutilated corpses, kidnapped people and laughingly exposed them to public humiliation.
There are accounts of sheer horror – and yet Hamas is hailed as a freedom movement? This is a reversal of the facts, which we cannot allow to stand.
The attack on Israel, on the 7th October 2023, took place in a phase of rapprochement between several Muslim states and Israel. There are the Abraham Accords between Israel and Muslim countries of the region. Jordan and Israel are working together on a major drinking water project. Saudi Arabia was on the way to normalising its relations with Israel.
In this context I am against today’s anti-Jewish demonstration (letting wave the Palestine Flag and its suggestive implications) by 38 years old art worker IIYAMA Yuki 飯山由貴 (PaRestine 🤣) in the National Museum of Western Art in Tokyo.
“FROM THE RIVER TO THE SEA. PALESTINE WILL BE FREE.” clearly proclaims the “Extermination of Jews”. See attached flyer.
IIYAMA Yuki 飯山由貴: FUCK YOU!

BRING THEM HOME NOW!
https://media.bringthemhomenow.net

Pro-Palästina-Parole
Die Geschichte des Slogans «From the River to the Sea …»

Michelle Muff
Publiziert: 02.11.2023

Auf der ganzen Welt an Kundgebungen gerufen, in Berlin nun verboten: Eine Parole für ein freies Palästina sorgt für Kontroversen. Woher sie kommt und was sie bedeutet.

«From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free»: Der Spruch – der auf Deutsch besagt, dass Palästina vom Fluss bis zum Meer frei sein werde – löste in den vergangenen drei Wochen Kontroversen aus. Er wird aktuell an pro-palästinensischen Demonstrationen auf der ganzen Welt skandiert, allen voran in westlichen Städten. Videos zeigen Protestierende von London über Wien bis nach Beirut und Rom, die gemeinsam die Parole rufen.

In einer Rede am Wochenende an einer Palästina-Kundgebung sagte etwa der britische Labour-Parlamentsabgeordnete Andy McDonald, dass man nicht ruhen werde, bis alle Menschen «vom Fluss bis zum Meer» in friedlicher Freiheit leben könnten. Drei Tage später wurde McDonald von der Partei suspendiert und eine Untersuchung eingeleitet. Am 1. November verbot der englische Fussballverband seinen Spielern, den Slogan auf Social Media zu verwenden. Und in Berlin wird die Verwendung der Parole seit vergangener Woche als strafbar eingeordnet.

Wieso wird der Slogan so kontrovers diskutiert? Und woher stammt er?

Eingeführt wurde der Begriff in den frühen 1960er-Jahren von der Palästinensischen Befreiungsorganisation (PLO). Bei ihrer Gründung im Jahr 1964 forderte die PLO die Errichtung eines einzigen Staates, der sich vom Jordan bis zum Mittelmeer erstreckt und seine historischen Gebiete umfasst.

Seither wird die Parole von anderen palästinensischen politischen Gruppen verwendet, als Aufruf zur Befreiung Palästinas von der israelischen Besatzung. Auch die Hamas beruft sich auf den Slogan. «Die Hamas lehnt jede Alternative zur vollständigen und uneingeschränkten Befreiung Palästinas, vom Fluss bis zum Meer, ab», heisst es in der Verfassung der Organisation von 2017.

Der Spruch wird vor allem wegen eines geografischen Aspekts kontrovers diskutiert: Denn die Fläche vom genannten Jordan-Fluss im Osten bis zum Mittelmeer im Westen umschliesst das gesamte israelische Territorium – und lässt die Frage offen, was nach einer allfälligen Befreiung Palästinas mit Israel und den Jüdinnen und Juden geschieht, die dort leben.

Es klinge nach einer «Drohung»

Für propalästinensische Demonstranten drückt die Parole den Wunsch nach Freiheit von der Unterdrückung im historischen britischen Mandatsgebiet Palästina aus. Israel hingegen sieht darin einen verschleierten Aufruf zur Gewalt, der mit einem antisemitischen Vorwurf verbunden ist.

So schreibt etwa das American Jewish Committee (AJC), dass die Parole «die Auslöschung des Staates Israel und seines Volkes» fordere. Es sei nichts Antisemitisches daran, für einen eigenen Staat der Palästinenser einzutreten, so das AJC: «Allerdings ist es antisemitisch, die Beseitigung des jüdischen Staates zu fordern, die Hamas oder andere Organisationen zu loben, die die Zerstörung Israels fordern, oder zu behaupten, dass die Juden allein kein Recht auf Selbstbestimmung haben.»

Yehudah Mirsky, ein in Jerusalem lebender Rabbiner und Professor für Nahoststudien und Judaistik an der Brandeis University, sagte gegenüber dem arabischen Nachrichtensender al-Jazeera: «Es klingt eher nach einer Drohung als nach einem Befreiungsversprechen. Er deutet nicht auf eine Zukunft hin, in der Juden ein erfülltes Leben führen und sie selbst sein können.»

«Die Notwendigkeit der Gleichheit für alle Bewohner»

Für Palästinenser und deren Unterstützer drücke die Parole hingegen «die Notwendigkeit der Gleichheit für alle Bewohner des historischen Palästina» aus, sagt Nimer Sultany, Dozent für Rechtswissenschaften an der School of Oriental and African Studies in London, gegenüber al-Jazeera. Das sei nämlich nach wie vor der Kern des Problems: «Den Palästinensern wird nach wie vor verwehrt, in Gleichheit, Freiheit und Würde wie alle anderen zu leben.» Die Kontroverse rund um den Spruch ist laut Sultany – selbst palästinensischer Staatsbürger Israels – fabriziert worden, um die Solidarität des Westens mit den Palästinensern zu verhindern.

Im Jahr 2021 argumentierte der palästinensisch-amerikanische Schriftsteller Yousef Munayyer, dass die Formulierung «vom Fluss bis zum Meer» den gesamten Raum beschreibe, in dem den Palästinensern Rechte verweigert würden. Es sei eine Möglichkeit, den Wunsch nach einem Staat auszudrücken, in dem «Palästinenser in ihrer Heimat als freie und gleichberechtigte Bürger leben können, die weder von anderen beherrscht werden noch andere dominieren». Das erinnert aktuell jedoch eher an eine Utopie als an einen realistischen politischen Plan.

https://www.tagesanzeiger.ch/from-the-river-to-the-sea-was-bedeutet-der-palaestinensische-slogan-323651698347

Ruf nach Freiheit für Palästina wird als Straftat verfolgt
Justus Leicht
16. November 2023

Die Verbreitung der Parole „From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free” wird in Deutschland ab sofort als Straftat verfolgt, die mit Freiheitsstrafe bis zu drei Jahren oder mit Geldstrafe geahndet wird. Der Müchner Oberstaatsanwalt Andreas Franck, der auch Antisemitismusbeauftragter der bayrischen Justiz ist, hat bereits angekündigt, die Parole genauso zu verfolgen wie verbotene Nazi-Sprüche und Symbole.

Als juristische Grundlage dient das Verbot der Hamas, das Bundesinnenministerin Nancy Faeser (SPD) am 2. November erlassen hat. Die Hamas galt zwar schon bisher als illegale terroristische Vereinigung, doch nun hat Faeser noch einmal eigens ein Vereinsverbot ausgesprochen, obwohl Hamas in Deutschland offiziell gar keine Organisation hat.

In der fünfseitigen, im Bundesanzeiger veröffentlichten Verbotsverfügung werden „Kennzeichen“ der Hamas aufgelistet, deren öffentliche Verwendung verboten ist. Auf der Liste steht auch „die Parole ‚Vom Fluss bis zum Meer‘ (auf Deutsch oder in anderen Sprachen)“. Damit, so Oberstaatsanwalt Franck, könne der Satz gestützt auf Paragraph 86a Strafgesetzbuch, „Verwenden von Kennzeichen verfassungswidriger und terroristischer Organisationen“, bestraft werden.

Bislang hatten deutsche Staatsanwaltschaften den Satz als legitim gewertet. Er sei grundsätzlich von der Meinungsfreiheit gedeckt, hatten die Staatsanwaltschaften in Berlin, München und anderen Städten erklärt, wie die Süddeutsche Zeitung berichtet. Wer sich wünsche, dass Palästina „frei“ sei, rufe nicht dringend zur Gewalt auf, sondern könne auch eine friedliche Änderung des Status quo meinen. Das Verwaltungsgericht Berlin hatte erst im August entschieden, dass die Parole für sich genommen nicht strafbar sei.

Doch mit der Verbotsverfügung haben sich die juristischen Voraussetzungen geändert. Statt als „Volksverhetzung“, was eindeutige Anstachelung zu Gewalt voraussetzt, kann die Verwendung der Parole nun allein aus dem Grund bestraft werden, dass die Innenministerin sie zum „Kennzeichen“ einer verbotenen Organisation erklärt hat.

In Wirklichkeit handelt es sich um einen willkürlichen Akt der Zensur und der Unterdrückung des Grundrechts auf Meinungsfreiheit.

In den vergangenen Wochen sind weltweit Millionen Menschen aller Religionen und Nationalitäten, darunter auch Israelis und viele Juden, auf die Straße gegangen und haben gegen das israelische Massaker in Gaza protestiert. Darauf reagieren die Regierungen, die die israelischen Verbrechen unterstützen, mit Zensur, Einschüchterung und Unterdrückung.

In Deutschland werden friedliche Demonstrationen von den Medien als „antisemitisch“ verleumdet und von der Polizei reihenweise verboten oder mit strengen Auflagen versehen. Große Polizeiaufgebote schüchtern die Demonstrationsteilnehmer ein, zensieren jedes gesprochene und geschriebene Wort, nehmen Teilnehmer reihenweise fest und beschlagnahmen Flugblätter und Transparente.

Die Kriminalisierung des Rufs nach Freiheit für Palästina ist eine weitere Stufe in dieser Repressionsspirale. Dabei ist die Behauptung, der Ruf „from the river to the sea“ sei ein „Kennzeichen“ der Hamas, schlicht gelogen.

Die Wurzeln der Parole gehen mindestens bis zur Gründung der Palästinensischen Befreiungsorganisation PLO im Jahr 1964 zurück. In der Palästinensischen Nationalcharta wurde Palästina als das historische britische Mandatsgebiet von 1947 definiert, das vom Fluss Jordan bis zum Mittelmeer reichte. Ausdrücklich wurde zwischen Juden als Religionsgruppe und dem Zionismus als „rassistische“ und „mit dem internationalen Imperialismus“ verbundene „politische Bewegung“ unterschieden. Die Charta erklärte zudem ausdrücklich, dass auch Juden Palästinenser sein können.

Als Ziel der Palästinenser galt traditionell ein säkulares, demokratisches Palästina ohne Besatzung und Diskriminierung. So erklärte die Fatah von Jassir Arafat, die lange Zeit größte und dominierende Fraktion innerhalb der PLO, im Jahr 1969: „Die Fatah, die Nationale Befreiungsbewegung Palästinas, verkündet feierlich, dass das Endziel ihres Kampfes die Wiederherstellung eines unabhängigen, demokratischen Staates Palästina ist, in dem alle Bürger unabhängig von ihrer Religion die gleichen Rechte genießen werden.“

Die Hamas entstand dagegen erst 1987 als palästinensischer Zweig der Muslimbruderschaft. In ihrer revidierten Charta von 2017 bekennt sie sich ebenfalls zu einem Palästina „vom Fluss Jordan bis zum Mittelmeer“. Damit hat sie nichts Neues erfunden, sondern lediglich eine jahrzehntelange Orientierung palästinensischer Organisationen übernommen.

In der Charta der Hamas von 1988 war die Formulierung noch nicht aufgetaucht. Anders als in dieser ersten Charta unterscheidet in der drei Jahrzehnte später entstandenen Fassung auch die Hamas zwischen Judentum und Zionismus. Es heißt dort: „Die Hamas bekräftigt, dass ihr Konflikt mit dem zionistischen Projekt und nicht mit den Juden aufgrund ihrer Religion besteht.“

Auch in der israelischen Politik gab es schon lange vor Gründung der Hamas immer wieder Bezüge auf die Formel „vom Fluss bis zum Meer“. Anders als in der Interpretation der PLO war damit allerdings kein säkularer, demokratischer Staat gemeint, sondern „Eretz Israel“, ein Staat unter jüdischer Vorherrschaft.

Die heute regierende Likud-Partei von Premierminister Benjamin Netanjahu wurde ausdrücklich auf dieser Grundlage gegründet. Es heißt in ihrer ursprünglichen Plattform von 1977: „Das Recht des jüdischen Volkes auf das Land Israel ist ewig und unbestreitbar und ist mit dem Recht auf Sicherheit und Frieden verbunden; daher werden Judäa und Samaria keiner ausländischen Verwaltung übergeben; zwischen dem Meer und dem Jordan wird es nur israelische Souveränität geben.“

Der heutige Finanzminister Bezalel Smotrich von der Partei „Religiöser Zionismus“, dem auch weitgehend die Siedlungen im Westjordanland unterstehen, hat für einen rechten israelischen Thinktank 2017 einen Aufsatz mit dem Titel „Israel’s decisive Plan“ verfasst, in dem es heißt: „Wir werden deutlich machen, dass unser nationales Streben nach einem jüdischen Staat vom Fluss bis zum Meer eine vollendete Tatsache ist, eine Tatsache, die nicht diskutiert oder verhandelt werden kann.“

Die Anhänger vom Netanjahu und Smotrich in Deutschland müssen allerdings nicht fürchten, dass sie deshalb Besuch von der Staatsanwaltschaft bekommen. Mit einer israelischen Regierung, die die Politik, die Palästinenser zu töten und zu vertreiben, gerade mit mörderischer Gewalt in die Praxis umsetzt, erklärt die Bundesregierung ihre volle Solidarität und unterstützt sie dabei auch militärisch. Wer dagegen dafür protestiert, dass es „zwischen dem Fluss und dem Meer“ Freiheit und Gleichberechtigung statt Besatzung und Apartheid gibt, wird kriminalisiert.

https://www.wsws.org/de/articles/2023/11/15/rive-n15.html

---

update 2024/3/16 The original speech by Iiyama:

2024年3月11日　国立西洋美術館アクション　飯山由貴スピーチ内容全文



恒常的、慢性的な暴力に対して、それをやめろと表現をしたら、
おまえが加害者だと言われた。
恒常的、慢性的な暴力に対して、それをやめろと表現をしたら、
おまえはテロリストだと言われた。
恒常的、慢性的な暴力に対して、それをやめろと表現をしたら、
おまえは頭がおかしいと言われた。
恒常的、慢性的な暴力に対して、それをやめろと表現をしたら、
おまえは人間ではない、動物だと言われた。


これはいま、入植者たちからパレスチナの人々が受けている言葉であり、私たちがこの社会で他の人々から受けていながらもなお、他の人々に発言している危険性がある言葉です。


もしかしたら、私たちは自分が受けた被害をうまく他の人々に対して伝えることができなかったかもしれない。その小さな機会があったとしても、より資金と権力のある人々によるプロパガンダによって、私たちの声は常に嘘つきであるというレッテルを貼られつづけている。
マスメディアも含めた多くの人々は、私たちの肌の色、ジェンダー、セクシュアリティ、階級、信仰、国籍、エスニシティ、世系、病や障害などの情報とともにその被害を知ると、たいていは無関心の態度を示す。お前にも何か悪いところがあったのだろう、と。その方法はおかしい、暴力的だ、テロリストだ、攻撃的だ、うるさい、黙れ、我慢しろ、と言われつづけている。


どうして私たちの訴えは、主流社会に暮らす人々が受けた被害と同様に取り扱われないのか。
どうして私たちの家族の死は、私たちの友人の死は、そして私たち自身の死は、入植者である、健常者である、より白い肌をしている、私たちと違う言葉を話す、あなたたちの死よりも軽いのか。


私は、この世界でその言葉が、声が、訴えが軽んじられてきたすべての人々に連帯をします。


ナチスによるユダヤ人のジェノサイドの特権化が、入植者たちの暴力の特権性を構築した危険があるのであれば、私はイスラエルによるパレスチナ人のジェノサイドを特権化しません。
ガザと西岸で起きていることは、私たちの地域社会でもすでに常に起きているからこそ、その暴力を否定します。


直接的、間接的な暴力がなぜ使われるのか、それが他者を支配する手段であるからです。職場で、学校で、家庭で、病院で、障害者施設で、入管で、SNSで、そして民族や国家間で恒常的に使われます。
私は暴力に反対することを通して、支配を否定します。

暴力的であるということと、暴力行為の間には、さまざまな段階があり、この行為がそれに一歩足を踏み入れているという自覚はあります。しかし、この時間が、この介入が、暴力行為かどうかは、私は判断しません。私たちは、私たち一人一人が持ち、使うことができる表現の力を使います。
私たちは展覧会出品作家有志を中心とする市民です。
私たちは、パレスチナで現在起きているイスラエル政府のジェノサイドに強く反対します。
イスラエル政府が現在行っている虐殺は、明らかに民間人を含み、人々を恣意的に絶滅させ、土地を奪おうとする意図に基づくものです。「国際人道法違反」であり、ただちに止めなくてはなりません。
国立西洋美術館のオフィシャルパートナーである川崎重工業株式会社は、自衛隊の装備品として、日本に対してイスラエルの武器の輸入・販売を行おうとしています。


私たちは、パレスチナ人に連帯し、即時停戦、パレスチナの解放・反帝国主義・脱植民地主義・反差別を支持し、国立西洋美術館のオフィシャルパートナーの川崎重工業株式会社に対し、イスラエルの武器の輸入を取りやめることを要求します。


川崎重工業株式会社と国立西洋美術館は、イスラエルの殺傷武器の輸入・輸出によって、ともに利益を得ること、そしてそれによってパレスチナ人の虐殺に加担すること、未来においても他の地域で多くの人々が殺されつづけることの正当化に、美術館の鑑賞者、労働者、美術作品をはじめとする、すべての人、ものを利用しないでください。


武器による直接の犠牲者をはじめ、兵士とその周囲にいる人々、多くの人間の心身の犠牲によって、軍事産業の利益は成立します。川崎重工業株式会社は、その背景を文化によって洗い流し、不可視化する手段として、国立西洋美術館という、人々の税金で作られた場を利用しないでください。


国立西洋美術館は、川崎重工業株式会社に対し、イスラエルの武器の輸入・販売を取りやめることを早急に働きかけてください。


イスラエルの武器輸入を取りやめることは、イスラエルに対する制裁となり、現在進行中のパレスチナ人の虐殺をとめる手立てになります。
ここにいる皆さんも、どうか、ご自分ができるイスラエル企業に対するBDS運動（ボイコット、投資撤収、制裁運動）などを行って、一刻も早い停戦とパレスチナの解放に向けて、ともに行動してください。

End of Iiyama’s speech.
……

Last sentence of Iiyama’s speech as English translation:

“Please, everyone here, please join us in working towards a ceasefire and the liberation of Palestine as soon as possible, by carrying out the BDS campaign (boycott, divestment and sanctions campaign) against Israeli companies that you are able to do.”

Iiyama, who suggests a political agenda in the Japanese contemporary art world, clearly takes the position of the BDS (Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions).

BDS Japan:

日本から私たちができる
🕊🇵🇸パレスチナ連帯行動🍉🕊

quote:
ボイコット・ダイベストメント・サンクション（重要度 高）
👇BDS運動とは？日本におけるBDSのターゲットは？木村りべかさんの画像がわかりやすいため、掲載させていただきます。（元投稿は https://x.gd/EP9CY)

ー 前提：BDS運動について ー
イスラエルによるパレスチナ人への人権侵害は、2023年10月7日から始まったわけではありません。1948年にイスラエルが先住のパレスチナ人を虐殺・追放したナクバ（大厄災）以来、76年にわたり続いています。
しかし、こうした人権侵害に対し、イスラエルが国際的な処罰を受けることはありませんでした。
こうした「不処罰の伝統」を終わらせるため、2005年からパレスチナの170の市民団体から「BDS運動」の呼びかけが起こりました。
B: Boycott（ボイコット：消費者への不買呼びかけ）
D: Divestment （ダイベストメント：企業への投資引き上げ呼びかけ）
S: Sanction（サンクション：国家・国際機関への制裁呼びかけ）
BDS運動は、イスラエルの占領・入植・人権侵害に加担する企業などに対する、非暴力の抵抗運動です。
この「ボイコット・ダイベスト・サンクション」の項では、日本からできるBDS運動をご紹介します。
☞もっと詳しく知りたい方へ：
👩🏻‍💻動画
BDS運動について紹介している、Choose Life Projectの動画が参考になります。
「いま、日本でパレスチナのために出来ること」(23/12/27配信)
0:27️:40〜において、BDS運動のはじまり、目的、組織、効果・成功事例・戦略について説明されています。
「日本でパレスチナのためにしたこと・できること」（24/2/24配信）
🔗Webサイト
日本でBDSやパレスチナについて情報を発信する掲示板「BDS Japan Bulletin」（https://bdsjapanbulletin.wordpress.com/）では、日本におけるBDS運動についてのお知らせが随時掲載されています。
note掲載のBDSガイドラインでは、BDSの目的や、ターゲットを絞ることの重要性などの説明が詳しく読めます。
このまとめでは、BDS Japan Bulletin（以下、BJB）のガイドラインに沿ってボイコット対象を記載しています。以前優先ターゲットであった伊藤忠アビエーション・日本エヤークラフトサプライの二社が、イスラエル最大の軍需企業エルビット・システムズとの戦略的協力覚書を2月末で終了すると発表したことを受けて、2月23日に方針が更新されました。
改定された方針では、日本政府にS＝サンクション（制裁）を求めるアクションが追加されています。

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1IUVPD02DGo5GPPM6ZU2WB0FYES4eGAaXZio07hq07hc/mobilebasic

From the standpoint of the German Parliament and the German Green Party, which I share, the BDS Demonstrations are defined as anti-Semitic.
The Hamas terrorist organisation is forbidden in Germany.

News from 2019:
Germany designates BDS Israel boycott movement as anti-Semitic
By Joseph Nasr and Riham Alkousaa
May 18, 2019
BERLIN, May 17 (Reuters) – The German parliament voted on Friday to condemn as anti-Semitic a movement that calls for economic pressure on Israel to end the occupation of Palestinian land, grant Arab citizens equal rights and recognize the right of return of Palestinian refugees.
A majority of lawmakers in the Bundestag voted in favour of a motion to label the international Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement as an entity that uses anti-Semitic tactics to fulfill its political goals.

“The argumentation patterns and methods used by the BDS movement are anti-Semitic,” read the motion submitted by Chancellor Angela Merkel’s conservatives, their Social Democrat coalition partners as well as the Greens and Free Democrats.
Securing Israel’s survival has been a priority for Germany since the defeat of the Nazi dictatorship that committed the Holocaust in which some six million Jews were murdered.

Israel Katz, Israel’s acting foreign minister, welcomed the Bundestag decision, saying on Twitter: “The German parliament ruled that it is an anti-Semitic movement that promotes illegal boycotts against Israel. This is an important step, and we hope that other countries in Europe will go in the same direction.”
The BDS was not immediately available for comment.
Lawmakers from the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party abstained during the symbolic vote. They had submitted their own motion calling for a total ban of the BSD in Germany. That motion was defeated.

A majority of the far-left Die Linke party had voted against the motion. The party also submitted its own proposal, which called to oppose the BDS and commit the German government to work toward a political solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict based on U.N. Security Council resolutions. The motion was also defeated.
The latest battle between the BDS and the Israeli government has been over the Eurovision Song Contest final, which takes place in Tel Aviv on Saturday.

In the run-up to the event, the BDS has called on artists, music fans and broadcasters to avoid the event, arguing it amounts to “whitewashing” Israel’s policies toward Palestinians in the occupied West Bank and the Gaza Strip.
With Friday’s Bundestag motion, Germany has effectively backed Israel’s position that international boycotts are discriminatory and anti-Semitic.
The motion said a BDS campaign calling for Israeli products to be labeled with “Don’t Buy” stickers was reminiscent of the Nazi-era boycott of Jewish businesses, known in German as “Judenboykott”, which used slogans such as: “Don’t buy from Jews.”

Israel’s ambassador to Germany, Jeremy Issacharoff, welcomed the Bundestag decision.
“It (the motion) has broader European significance given that BDS makes no attempt to build coexistence and peace between Israel and all of its neighbors,” he wrote on Twitter.

https://www.reuters.com/article/idUSL5N22T4OA/

End of up-date 2024/3/26

---

Furthermore, one mysterious Japanese woman with Palestinian keffiyeh and sun glasses, shouting into the megaphone.
Who does NOT show her face! Show your face! Who are you?
Japan is a free, democratic country. We’re in a public museum! We don’t need cowards in the Japanese art world, like you, who hide their identity!!!

Does Muslim Hamas allow women’s rights? No. Women’s representation is severely limited in decision-making bodies and forums. While Hamas brags of women’s participation in the Shura Council, whose recommendations are nonbinding, women are denied representation in and access to the political bureau, whose word is binding and final.

Last but not least.

This actual exhibition at The National Museum of Western Art 国立西洋美術館 mocks Picasso and his so-called “white men” colleagues. In some cases these Japanese STUPID artists show offending, disrespectful, childish attitudes. Using “wrong” Cezanne paintings. What a shame!
The Japanese population should be proud of being able to see masterpieces, just around the corner, like this one:

Following is the amazing list of artists in the collection of the National Museum of Western Art, Tokyo:

Heinrich Aldegrever (1502–1561), Germany
Albrecht Altdorfer (1480–1538), Germany
Edmond Aman-Jean (1860–1936), France
Jean Arp (1886–1966), France
Hans Baldung Grien (1484–1554), Germany
Giovanni Francesco Barbieri (1591–1666), Italy
Ernst Barlach (1870–1938), Germany
Leandro Bassano (1557–1622), Italy
Barthel Beham (1502–1540), Germany
Hans Sebald Beham (1500–1550), Germany
Stefano della Bella (1610–1664), Italy
Émile Bernard (1868–1941), France
Paul-Albert Besnard (1849–1934), France
Joachim Beuckelaer (1533–1574), Belgium
Leonardo Bistolfi (1859–1933), Italy
William Blake (1757–1827), UK
Jacques-Emile Blanche (1861–1942), France
Abraham Bloemaert (1564–1651), Netherlands
Cornelis Bloemaert (1603–1684), Netherlands
Pierre Bonnard (1867–1947), France
François Bonvin (1817–1887), France
Abraham Bosse (1602–1676), France
François Boucher (1703–1770), France
Emile-Antoine Bourdelle (1861–1929), France
Dierick Bouts (1420–1475), Netherlands
Félix Bracquemond (1833–1914), France
Georges Braque (1882–1963), France
Pieter Brueghel (1525–1569), Belgium
Hendrick ter Brugghen (1588–1629), Netherlands
Charles Le Brun (1619–1690), France
Bernard Buffet (1928–1999), France
Hans Burgkmair (1473–1531), Germany
Jacques Callot (1592–1635), France
Giulio Campagnola (1482–1516), Italy
Robert Campbell (1944–1993), Australia
Canaletto (1697–1768), Italy
Agostino Carracci (1557–1602), Italy
Jean-Baptiste Carpeaux (1827–1875), France
Eugène Carrière (1849–1906), France
Bernardo Cavallino (1616–1654), Italy
Paul Cézanne (1839–1906), France
Marc Chagall (1887–1985), France
Joos van Cleve (1480–1540), Germany
Charles-Nicolas Cochin (1688–1754), France
Edwaert Collier (1640–1707), Netherlands
Gillis van Coninxloo (1544–1606), Belgium
Lovis Corinth (1858–1925), Romania
Jean-Baptiste-Camille Corot (1796–1875), France
Charles Cottet (1863–1925), France
Gustave Courbet (1819–1877), France
Charles Antoine Coysevox (1640–1720), France
Lucas Cranach the Elder (1472–1553), Germany
Carlo Crivelli (1430–1494), Italy
Salvador Dalí (1904–1989), Spain
Charles-François Daubigny (1817–1878), France
Honoré Daumier (1808–1879), France
Alexandre Gabriel Decamps (1803–1860), France
Edgar Degas (1834–1917), France
Eugène Delacroix (1798–1863), France
Maurice Denis (1870–1943), France
André Derain (1880–1954), France
George Desvallières (1861–1950), France
Carlo Dolci (1616–1686), Italy
Kees van Dongen (1877–1968), Netherlands
Gerrit Dou (1613–1675), Netherlands
Jean Dubuffet (1901–1985), France
Raoul Dufy (1877–1953), France
Jean Duvet (1485–1570), France
Anthony van Dyck (1599–1641), Belgium
Albrecht Dürer (1471–1528), Germany
James Ensor (1860–1949), Belgium
Max Ernst (1891–1976), Germany
William Etty (1787–1849), UK
Henri Fantin-Latour (1836–1904), France
Lyonel Feininger (1871–1956), US
Georges de Feure (1868–1943), France
Copley Fielding (1787–1855), UK
Jean-Louis Forain (1852–1931), France
Tsuguharu Foujita (1886–1968), Japan
Jean-Honoré Fragonard (1732–1806), France
Sam Francis (1923–1994), US
Paul Gauguin (1848–1903), France
Claude Gellée (1600–1682), France
Jacques de Gheyn II (1565–1629), Belgium
Giorgio Ghisi (1512–1582), Italy
Alberto Giacometti (1901–1966), Switzerland
Albert Gleizes (1881–1953), France
Vincent van Gogh (1853–1890), Netherlands
Hendrick Goltzius (1558–1616), Germany
Francisco de Goya (1746–1828), Spain
Jan van Goyen (1596–1656), Netherlands
El Greco (1541–1614), Greece
Richard Hamilton (1922–2011), UK
Cornelis de Heem (1631–1695), Netherlands
Jean-Jacques Henner (1829–1905), France
Auguste Herbin (1882–1960), France
William Hogarth (1697–1764), UK
Hans Holbein (1497–1543), Germany
Jean-Auguste-Dominique Ingres (1780–1876), France
Tim Johnson (born 1947), Australia
Jacob Jordaens (1593–1678), Belgium
Wassily Kandinsky (1866–1944), Russia
Max Klinger (1857–1920), Germany
Käthe Kollwitz (1867–1945), Germany
Alfred Kubin (1877–1959), Germany
Nicolas Lancret (1690–1743), France
Nicolas de Largillière (1665–1746), France
Jean Launois (1898–1942), France
Ernest Laurent (1859–1929), France
Le Corbusier (1887–1965), Switzerland
Bernard Leach (1887–1979), Hong Kong
Henri Lebasque (1865–1937), France
Fernand Léger (1881–1955), France
Alphonse Legros (1837–1911), France
Stanislas Lépine (1835–1892), France
Lucas van Leyden (1489–1533), Netherlands
Léon Augustin Lhermitte (1844–1925), France
Pietro Longhi (1702–1785), Italy
Alessandro Magnasco (1667–1749), Italy
Aristide Maillol (1861–1944), France
Édouard Manet (1832–1883), France
Andrea Mantegna (1431–1506), Italy
Henri Matisse (1869–1954), France
Charles Meryon (1821–1868), France
John Everett Millais (1829–1896), UK
Jean-François Millet (1814–1875), France
Joan Miró (1893–1983), Spain
Paula Modersohn-Becker (1876–1907), Germany
Amedeo Modigliani (1884–1920), Italy
Claude Monet (1840–1926), France
Bartolomeo Montagna (1440–1523), Italy
Adolphe Joseph Thomas Monticelli (1824–1886), France
Henry Moore (1898–1986), UK
Gustave Moreau (1826–1898), France
Sally Morgan (born 1951), Australia
Alphonse Mucha (1860–1939), Czechoslovakia
Edvard Munch (1863–1944), Norway
Bartolomé Esteban Murillo (1618–1682), Spain
Jean-Marc Nattier (1685–1766), France
Robert Owen (born 1937), Australia
Arturo Pacheco Altamirano (1903–1978), Chile
Samuel Palmer (1805–1881), UK
George Papazov (1894–1972), Bulgaria
Mike Parr (born 1945), Australia
Jules Pascin (1885–1930), Bulgaria
Jean-Baptiste Pater (1695–1736), France
Joachim Patinir (1475–1524), Belgium
Pablo Picasso (1881–1973), Spain
Francesco Piranesi (1778–1810), Italy
Giovanni Battista Piranesi (1720–1778), Italy
Camille Pissarro (1830–1903), US
Jackson Pollock (1912–1956), US
Paulus Pontius (1603–1858), Belgium
Pierre Puvis de Chavannes (1824–1898), France
Odilon Redon (1840–1916), France
Guido Reni (1575–1642), Italy
Pierre-Auguste Renoir (1841–1919), France[1]
Alfred Rethel (1816–1959), Germany
Joshua Reynolds (1723–1792), UK
José de Ribera (1591–1652), Spain
Rembrandt van Rijn (1606–1669), Netherlands
Henri Rivière (1864–1951), France
Hubert Robert (1733–1808), France
Auguste Rodin (1840–1917), France
Félicien Rops (1833–1898), Belgium
Salvatore Rosa (1615–1673), Italy
Dante Gabriel Rossetti (1828–1882), UK
Georges Rouault (1871–1958), France
Peter Paul Rubens (1577–1640), Germany
Ed Ruscha (born 1937), US
Jacob van Ruisdael (1630–1681), Netherlands
Egidius Sadeler (1570–1629), Belgium
Francesco Salviati (1510–1563), Italy
Ary Scheffer (1795–1858), Netherlands
Martin Schongauer (1450–1491), France
Cornelis Schut (1597–1655), Belgium
Giovanni Segantini (1858–1899), Italy
Daniel Seghers (1590–1661), Belgium
Jacopo del Sellaio (1442–1493), Italy
Paul Sérusier (1864–1927), France
Ben Shahn (1898–1969), US
Paul Signac (1863–1935), France
Alfred Sisley (1839–1899), France
John Sloan (1871–1951), US
Chaïm Soutine (1893–1943), Romania
Jan Steen (1626–1679), Netherlands
Herman van Swanevelt (1600–1655), Netherlands
David Teniers the Younger (1610–1690), Belgium
David Teniers the Elder (1582–1649), Belgium
Giovanni Battista Tiepolo (1696–1770), Italy
Giovanni Domenico Tiepolo (1727–1804), Italy
Jacopo Tintoretto (1518–1594), Italy
Jan Toorop (1858–1928), Netherlands
Henri de Toulouse-Lautrec (1864–1901), France
Georges de La Tour (1593–1653), France
Joseph Mallord William Turner (1775–1851), UK
Adriaen van Utrecht (1599–1653), Belgium
Armand Vaillancourt (born 1929), Canada
Félix Vallotton (1865–1925), Czechoslovakia
Giorgio Vasari (1511–1574), Italy
Agostino Veneziano (1490–1536), Italy
Claude Joseph Vernet (1714–1789), France
Paolo Veronese (1528–1588), Italy
Jacques Villon (1875–1963), France
Maurice de Vlaminck (1876–1958), France
Heinrich Vogeler (1872–1942), Germany
Lucas Vorsterman (1595–1675), Netherlands
Marten de Vos (1532–1603), Belgium
Édouard Vuillard (1868–1940), France
Rogier van der Weyden (1399–1464), Belgium
James McNeill Whistler (1834–1903), US
Richard Wilson (1714–1782), UK

On a personal note: I am the first collector of TAKANO Ryudai 鷹野隆大, and the collector of works by my colleagues NAGASHIMA Yurie 長島有里枝, TANAKA Koki 田中功起 (= help + coordination) and UMETSU Yōichi 梅津庸一.
The mastermind behind this exhibition is UMETSU Yōichi 梅津庸一. His dream was to exhibit in this museum, obviously because of his painting style. Which is o.k. and nothing new in the context of being an artist with big goals.
As he couldn’t get a solo show in this museum, he had to think about a concept to realise a group show. Which is fine with me, too.
Obviously, or strangely (depending on your standing point as a Japanese contemporary art insider), he succeeded in bringing his name, PLUS(!) his own “group” Parplume, composed of some childish artist friends with mediocre bull-shit works, into the line-up.

Link_https://twitter.com/misonikomioden/status/1768252791745831018/photo/1

Aside from above mentioned anomaly, the most scandalous fact is the bad treatment of my colleague NAGASHIMA Yurie 長島有里枝. She is actually one of the most important artists in Japan. Check:
ソーシャリー・エンゲイジド、優れたアーティスト長島有里枝：母性・文学・盲目、、、写る可能性と不可能 @ 横浜市民ギャラリーあざみ野 & ちひろ美術館
Socially Engaged, Excellent Artist NAGASHIMA Yurie: Motherhood – Literature – Blindness… Possible and Impossible Photography @ Yokohama Civic Art Gallery – Azamino & Chihiro Art Museum
https://art-culture.world/articles/nagashima-yurie-excellent-artist/
However, Umetsu and the curator in charge did NOT give her the adequate space!! Neither could she show her strong and representative works!
Nagashima had been treated by the curatorial team like a piece of shit!
Not with the proper respectful attitude!!!

Umetsu-kun, FUCK YOU!!

Does the Future Sleep Here?
――Revisiting the museum’s response to contemporary art after 65 years
Tuesday, 12 March – Sunday, 12 May 2024
https://www.nmwa.go.jp/en/exhibitions/2023revisiting.html
Participating artists:
ENDO Mai, FUSE Rintaro, IIYAMA Yuki, MATSUURA Hisao, MIYAGI Futoshi, NAGASHIMA Yurie, NAITO Rei, NAKABAYASHI Tadayoshi, ODAWARA Nodoka, OZAWA Tsuyoshi, Parplume (UMETSU Yoichi ＋ ANDO Yumi ＋ HOSHIKAWA Asako ＋ TSUZUKIBASHI Hitoko ＋WAKIMOTO Saki), SAKAMOTO Natsuko, SUGITO Hiroshi, TAKANO Ryudai, TAKEMURA Kei, TANAKA Koki, TATSUNO Toeko, Elena TUTATCHIKOVA, UMETSU Yoichi, YUASA Ebosi, YUMISASHI Kanji

Again, this shameful, amateurish, KOENJI-esque 高円寺化 show at The National Museum of Western Art 国立西洋美術館 mocks Picasso and his “white men” colleagues.
Picasso was partly of Arabic origin, with North African roots. Picasso is NOT a WHITE painter.
Let me quote my sentences from 2018:
“If Theater Gates calls himself a “Black Artist”, I, Mario A, will call myself a “Yellow Artist”. His creative practice would be “Black Art”, mine “Yellow Art”.
Let’s have a laugh:
Black Panther Artist vs. Yellow Jaguar Artist.
Why should we rewrite (Western) art history?
For example, 100 years ago “White Painting” in the “Western Art Canon” had been already re-contextualized, emancipated by Gabriele Münter, Oskar Kokoschka, Otto Müller, Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Max Pechstein, Emil Nolde and many more… The faces and bodies are painted in green, red, yellow, black, etc…
Picasso was partly of Arabic origin, with North African roots. Picasso is NOT a WHITE painter.
Tokyo-Basel, 2018/7/1
Mario A”
more @
バーゼル市立美術館の学芸員フィアスコ：「ブラック・マドンナ」 (キリスト教) vs. 「ブラック・天皇」 (神道)
Curatorial Fiasco at the Kunstmuseum Basel: “Black Madonna” (Christianity) vs. “Black Tenno” (Shintoism)
https://art-culture.world/articles/curatorial-fiasco-at-the-kunstmuseum-basel-theaters-gates-black-madonna/

Up-date 2024/3/14: Regarding NAGASHIMA Yurie 長島有里枝, she published today the following statement on her IG account:

yurienagashima
.
国立西洋美術館で行なわれているグループ展に参加しています。

参加を打診されてから会期スタートまで6ヶ月、もらった壁には階段への出入り口と非常口の緑のサイン、それから作品や重機を出し入れするいわゆる「搬入口」のような大きな扉がついている、、、。
最後の参加作家だから、そこ以外に選択肢はなく、新作を作る時間もない。つまり、参加を決めるならもう、持てるものを生かしてやりたいことをやるしかない。

だから非常口マークの光る人も、養生テープで描かれた扉型の壁の模様も全部参加者として迎え入れ、昨年、名古屋でおこなった「ケアの学校」のアーカイブ展示を、西洋美術館バージョンでお届けすることにしました。

何人かの作家さんがSNSで言及してるのを見かけ、そういえば！といまさら思ったんですが、展示空間は「セクション」で分けられています。わたしの場合、属する「セクション」と自分のインスタレーションとの関係性はないです。先に言ったけど、場所の選択肢はありませんでしたし、セクションの意図の丁寧な説明や話し合いを持つ時間がなかった。ていうか、そもそも自分がなんの括りか知らない….。ま、いっか、括られるの嫌いだし、訳が分からず困惑したままそこにいる人間が1人ぐらいいてもいいだろ、と思ってます。
旧知のミヤギさんと鷹野さんと近くなのは嬉しかった。

今日は眠いので、またポツポツと作品について書きます。多分。記録しなきゃ…。

Automatic translation into English on IG. Unfortunately, a misleading translation, which I am NOT going to re-write, as it is important to show the original translation, not mine.

yurienagashima
.
Participating in a group exhibition at the National Museum of Western Art.

Six months until the start of the session after the participation was beaten, the sign I received was given with the entrance to the stairs and the emergency entrance door sign, and then a big sign like the so-called “wall entrance” where you can take out works and heavy machinery…
As I’m the last participating author, I have no choice but to make new ones. So if you decide to participate, you just have to do what you want with what you got.

Therefore, I accepted all the participants of the glowing people with emergency mouth marks and the patterns of hair-shaped hair drawn with lawn tape, and decided to present the archive exhibition of the “School of Care” that took place in Nagoya last year in the Western Art Museum version.

I see some writers being mentioned on social media, by the way! I just thought, but the exhibition space is divided into “sections”. In my case, it has nothing to do with the “sections” I belong to and my own installation. I said it before, there was no choice of location and no time to have a complicated explanation or discussion of the intentions of the section. I mean, I don’t even know what bracket I am in the first place…. Well, I don’t like being held up, and I think it’s nice to have at least one person there to be confused.
It was nice to be close to Miyagi-san and Sugano-san from Kochi.

I’m sleepy today, so I’ll write about my work again. Probably. Gotta take it down….

(End of the up-date)

Last.

In the same logical context of Iiyama’s political activism, every Japanese museum, every Japanese gallery, which showed, is showing, will show works by Japanese War Criminals Léonard Foujita (Léonard Tsuguharu Foujita レオナール・ツグハル・フジタ、藤田 嗣治) or YOKOYAMA Taikan 横山大観 should close. Be ashamed to endorse Japanese War Criminals.
If Iiyama wants to attack the precarious, “bad” influences of Japanese companies in Japanese museums (NOT the “poor” Kawasaki Heavy Industries 川崎重工株式会社 with its many hard working, poor workers), she may 🤣 start with the Mori Art Museum in Roppongi, Tokyo. Not only with the Mori Building Company, Limited 森ビル株式会社 but with the Dango 談合 – related OBAYASHI CORPORATION 大林組. Check this one 🤣。
OBAYASHI CORPORATION
Opinion of the Board of Directors of the Corporation Regarding the Shareholder Proposal
https://www.obayashi.co.jp/en/ir/upload/img/news20230511_6_en_01.pdf

Or, dear Iiyama-san, how about the “Jewish” Bloomberg’s “infiltration” into the public MUSEUM OF CONTEMPORARY ART TOKYO (MOT) 東京都現代美術館? 🤣
PLUS:
Kubota: …Eventually I left my first husband, David Behrman, and got married to Nam June.
Rail: Did your parents object to the fact that you were married to a Korean?
Kubota: From having a Jew to a Korean? Forget about it. They gave up on me a long time ago. [laugh]
see:
非常に優れている企画展「Viva Video! 久保田成子展」@ MOT！
（現代の最高の日本人アーティストである長島有里枝さんは久保田成子の正統な後継者）
https://art-culture.world/articles/kubota-shigeko-museum-of-contemporary-art-tokyo-久保田成子/

BRING THEM HOME NOW!

https://media.bringthemhomenow.net

I despise art works that have a political agenda. Their intent is always to manipulate, to convince the viewer of their respective ideologies. Ideologies, however, are artistically uninteresting.

Tokyo, 11th of March, 2024
Mario A

今日のおまけ Today’s bonus

ここに載せたテクスト、写真とスクリーンショットは、すべて「好意によりクリエーティブ・コモン・センス」の文脈で、日本美術史の記録の為に発表致します。
Creative Commons Attribution　Noncommercial-NoDerivative Works
photos + texts: cccs courtesy creative common sense

出品作家、ガザ侵攻に抗議活動　国立西洋美術館、警察が監視
毎日新聞 2024/3/11 21:21（最終更新 3/11 21:22）
　モネなどを収蔵する国立西洋美術館（東京都台東区）で12日から開催される企画展の内覧会で11日、出品作家や市民がイスラエルのパレスチナ自治区ガザへの侵攻を巡って抗議活動を行った。警察が美術館内に入り、作家のパフォーマンスを監視するなど、異例の事態となった。
　展覧会は、同館が開館以来初めて現代作家を扱った企画展「ここは未来のアーティストたちが眠る部屋となりえてきたか？」。参加作家らも集まった記者説明会の最後に、出品作家の飯山由貴さんがイスラエルのガザ侵攻に抗議。同館のオフィシャルパートナーを務める企業が、防衛省が導入を検討中のドローンを輸入販売しようとしているとして、同館に対して、企業に輸入販売を取りやめるよう働きかけてほしいと訴えた。
　同館の田中正之館長は「他のアーティストに迷惑をかけることにもなり、遺憾に思っている」としつつ、「言論の自由は保障されているので、尊重したい」と語った。
　一方、飯山さんに賛同する有志が美術館の2階ベランダで外に向かって声明を読み上げていたところ、警察が出動。その後、出品作家の遠藤麻衣さんと、友人の作家、百瀬文さんが展示室前ロビーで無言でパフォーマンスを行っていたところ、警察官がパフォーマンスの様子やロビーにいる人を撮影するなどして監視する場面もあった。美術館側は通報していないという。
　オフィシャルパートナーの企業は「防衛省との間でそのような案件があるのは確かだが、輸入先については公表する段階にない」としている。【高橋咲子】

https://mainichi.jp/articles/20240311/k00/00m/040/290000c

(with coming up-dates!)

---

Up-date 2024/3/15

Schumer’s anti-Netanyahu speech stuns Israel

Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer’s (D-N.Y.) speech calling for a new government in Israel landed like an earthquake Thursday, delivering a huge shock to the already tense U.S.-Israel relationship.

Why it matters: In addition to being the most senior Jewish elected official in the country, Schumer has had one of the longest and closest relationships with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of any U.S. politician.
Schumer’s speech stunned officials and observers in both Washington and Jerusalem because he has been — and still is — the Democratic Party’s most avid supporter of Israel in decades.
His harsh remarks about Netanyahu create more political space for other Democratic members of Congress to publicly voice their criticism of the Israeli government amid the ongoing war in Gaza.
Flashback: To understand how significant the comments were, one must return to March 2015 — when Schumer was one of the only Senate Democrats who didn’t criticize Netanyahu’s famous speech to Congress railing against the Iran nuclear deal.

Several months later, Schumer was one of the only Senate Democrats to vote against the deal — defying President Obama and siding with Netanyahu.
This is why Schumer was the last person Netanyahu expected to stand on the Senate floor Thursday and call him one of “four major obstacles to peace” — along with Hamas, Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas and radical right-wing Israelis.
Between the lines: U.S. officials and Senate Democrats say Schumer’s comments reflect the change in public sentiment toward Netanyahu’s government — especially inside the Democratic Party and the mostly liberal Jewish American community.

One Democratic senator said that in 2015, Schumer wouldn’t have been able to set foot in many New York synagogues if he voted in favor of the Iran deal; after this speech, he’ll be welcomed there with praise.
The senator added that Schumer’s speech reflects what the majority of Jews in America feel — they support Israel and want to destroy Hamas, but are fed up with Netanyahu and his radical right-wing government.
Behind the scenes: Schumer told senior White House officials on Wednesday that he was going to give a speech about Israel, but he didn’t give them a copy of the speech or ask for their permission, U.S. officials told Axios.

The White House didn’t encourage Schumer, but also didn’t stop him. Several White House officials were surprised by how harsh he was.
“I don’t know if people in Israel really understand how big of a step it is for him to do this,” one U.S. official said.
The big picture: The White House has sought to tamp down its public spat with Netanyahu in recent days, after concluding that the escalating tensions only serve the Israeli prime minister’s domestic political interests, a U.S. official said.

The intrigue: This was the second time this week that a U.S. official publicly commented on Netanyahu’s political weakness.

On Tuesday, the director of national intelligence’s annual threat assessment determined that Netanyahu’s “viability” as prime minister may be in jeopardy due to Israeli discontent.
How it’s playing: Netanyahu, who over the years has been accused many times of meddling in U.S. politics, hit back hard against Schumer’s comments.

“Israel is not a banana republic but an independent and proud democracy that elected Prime Minister Netanyahu,” the ruling Likud Party said in a statement, accusing Schumer of undermining a democratically elected government.
Polls published Wednesday in all three major TV channels in Israel found that the majority of Israelis want early elections — and that if elections were held today, Netanyahu would be defeated by his rival minister Benny Gantz.
But Gantz chose to distance himself from Schumer’s comments, saying that the Senate leader made a mistake by giving such a speech and that any intervention in Israel’s domestic politics is unacceptable.

https://www.axios.com/2024/03/14/schumer-israel-netanyahu-speech-reaction

End of up-date (2024/3/15)

---

Vice Chancellor and Federal Minister Robert Habeck Speech on Israel and anti-Semitism
01.11.2023
Hamas’ terrorist attack on Israel took place almost four weeks ago now.
A lot has happened since then. Not only politically, but especially for the people. So many people’s lives are now consumed by fear and suffering.
Public debate since the attack has been heated, sometimes muddled.
I want to use this video to help make things clearer. Too much seems to me to have been mixed up too quickly.
The phrase, “Israel’s security is part of Germany’s raison d’état” has never been an empty phrase, and it must not become one. It means that Israel’s security is essential for us as a country.
This special relationship with Israel stems from our historical responsibility. It was the generation of my grandparents that wanted to exterminate Jewish life in Germany and Europe.
After the Holocaust, the founding of Israel was the promise of protection to the Jews – and Germany is compelled to help ensure that this promise can be fulfilled. This is a historical foundation of our republic.
Our historical responsibility also means that Jews must be able to live freely and safely in Germany. That they never again have to be afraid to openly show their religion and their culture. But it is precisely this fear that is back.
I recently met with members of the Jewish community in Frankfurt. In the intense, painful talk we had, the community representatives told me that their children are afraid to go to school, that they no longer go to sports clubs, that they leave their necklaces with the Star of David at home on the advice of their parents.
Today, here in Germany. Almost 80 years after the Holocaust.
They told us that they no longer dare to get into a taxi, that they no longer put return addresses on letters to protect their recipients.
Today, here in Germany. Almost 80 years after the Holocaust.
And a Jewish friend told me about his fear, his sheer despair, his feeling of loneliness. The Jewish communities warn their members to avoid certain places – for their own safety.
And this is the reality here today, in Germany, almost 80 years after the Holocaust.
Anti-Semitism is being seen at demonstrations, in statements, in attacks on Jewish shops, in threats.

While large waves of solidarity are shown when there are racist attacks for example, solidarity quickly becomes fragile when it comes to Israel. People say that the context is complex. But contextualisation must not lead to relativization.
It is true, that in our debate culture, there is often too much shock and outrage. But here, we cannot be outraged enough. What is needed now is clarity, not a blur.
And to be clear: anti-Semitism is not to be tolerated in any form – whatsoever.
The scale of the Islamist demonstrations in Berlin and other cities in Germany is unacceptable and needs a tough political response. This is also needed from the Muslim associations. Some have clearly distanced themselves from the actions of Hamas and from anti-Semitism, and have sought dialogue. But not all of them – some have been too hesitant to do so, and it’s been too few overall.
Muslims living here are entitled to protection from right-wing extremist violence – and rightly so. When they are attacked, their right to protection must be honoured and they must also honour this right of the Jews now that the Jews have been attacked. They must clearly distance themselves from anti-Semitism so as not to undermine their own right to tolerance. There is no place for religious intolerance in Germany.
Whoever lives here does so according to the rules of this country. And whoever comes here must know that this is how it is and that this will be enforced.
Our constitution provides protection and bestows rights, but it also imposes obligations that must be fulfilled by all. You cannot separate the two. Tolerance cannot tolerate intolerance here. This is the core of our coexistence in the Federal Republic of Germany.
This means that burning Israeli flags is a criminal offence, as is praising Hamas terror. Any German citizen who does this will have to answer for such offences in court; those who are not German citizens will also risk their residency status. Anyone who does not yet have a residence permit will have provided a reason to be deported.
Islamist anti-Semitism, however, should not blind us to the fact that we also have entrenched anti-Semitism in Germany. The only difference is that the right-wing extremists are currently holding back, for purely tactical reasons, in order to be able to agitate against Muslims. Relativising the Second World War, the Nazi regime as a “minor incident” is not only relativising the Holocaust, it is a slap in the face of the victims and survivors. Everyone who listens should know this and needs to understand. The Second World War was a war of extermination against Jews; for the Nazi regime, the annihilation of European Jewry was always the main goal.
And because there are many Putin admirers among the right-wing extremists, let me say this: Putin has his picture taken with representatives of Hamas and the Iranian government and deplores the civilian victims in Gaza whilst at the same time creating civilian victims in Ukraine. And his friends in Germany are certainly not friends of the Jews.
But I am also concerned about the anti-Semitism in parts of the political left, and sadly among young activists as well. Anti-colonialism must not lead to anti-Semitism. In this respect, this part of the political left should review its arguments and distrust the big resistance narrative. The “both sides” argument is misleading here. Hamas is a murderous terrorist group fighting for the annihilation of the state of Israel and the death of all Jews. The clarity with which the German section of Fridays For Future, for example, has stated this, and the fact it has done so in contrast to its international friends, is more than respectable.
When I was in Turkey recently, it was thrown into my teeth that pro-Palestinian demonstrations are banned in Germany. And that Germany must also apply its humanitarian demands to the people in Gaza. I made it clear that criticism of Israel is of course allowed here. That it is not banned for people to stand up for the rights of the Palestinians and also their right to their own state. But calling for violence against Jews or celebrating violence against Jews is prohibited – and rightly so!
Yes, life in Gaza is life in poverty without prospects for the future. Yes, the settler movement in the West Bank is fomenting discord and robs the Palestinians of hope and rights and, increasingly, lives. And the suffering of the civilian population now at war is a fact, a terrible fact. Every dead child is one dead child too many.
I, too, call for humanitarian supplies, and am committed to ensuring that water, medicines, and relief supplies are delivered to Gaza, and that the refugees are protected. Together with our American friends, we are making it clear to Israel time and again that the protection of the civilian population is paramount. The death and suffering that is now engulfing the people of Gaza is terrible.
To say this is as necessary as it is legitimate. Systematic violence against Jews, however, can still not be legitimised by this. Anti-Semitism cannot be justified by this.
Of course, Israel must abide by international law and international standards. But the difference is this: would someone ever frame such expectations of Hamas?
And because I was recently confronted abroad with how the attack on Israel on the 7th of October was downplayed as – quote – an “unfortunate incident”, and even the facts were called into question, let me remind you here once again: it was Hamas, who cruelly murdered children, parents, and grandparents in their homes.
Whose fighters mutilated corpses, kidnapped people and laughingly exposed them to public humiliation.
There are accounts of sheer horror – and yet Hamas is hailed as a freedom movement? This is a reversal of the facts, which we cannot allow to stand.
And this brings me to the last point:
The attack on Israel took place in a phase of rapprochement between several Muslim states and Israel. There are the Abraham Accords between Israel and Muslim countries of the region. Jordan and Israel are working together on a major drinking water project. Saudi Arabia was on the way to normalising its relations with Israel.

But peaceful coexistence of Israel and its neighbours, of Jews and Muslims,
and the prospect of a two-state solution – are not what Hamas and its supporters, especially the Iranian government, want. They want to destroy it.
Those who have not given up hope for peace in the region, those who believe in the right of the Palestinians to a state of their own and a real perspective – as we do – must now differentiate in these difficult weeks.
And differentiating means to acknowledge that the murderous acts of Hamas are intended to prevent peace. Hamas does not want reconciliation with Israel,
but the extermination of Israel.
And this is why it is pivotal to make it clear that Israel’s right to exist must not be relativised. Israel’s security is our obligation. Germany knows this.

https://www.bmwk.de/Redaktion/DE/Downloads/M-O/manuskripte-habeck-ueber-israel-und-antisemitismus-en.pdf

Elfriede Jelinek “Kein Einer und kein Andrer mehr”

Translated by Gitta Honegger
No More One or the Other

Yes, Ernst Jandl: Humanityyyyyy, we certainly could use a little bit of it. Since the attack of Hamas, I no longer know what this is supposed to be. It becomes a piece of paper on which many beautiful things have been written and then set on fire. And then the ashes, as perhaps in the case of Arthur Schnitzler’s divorce from his wife Olga before a Munich Rabbinic Court, the ashes were ground above the heads of the participants. Now it rains forever on the heads of the [de]parted. An ash rain––that is humanity for you, when the wish to live and to care about and take care of this life depends on something that is not founded on life itself, but on a paradoxical dependence on the existence of others, however, as dominance in this dependence, since, in order to kill, others must be there, who can be defeated. Life a lack that wants to be filled. And then it is not even real lack which determine this life. This lack then consists of having to drift along, without finally killing others, called enemies. This sort of lack we can remedy, with weapons, of course. When fanatics rage, to whom life means nothing and death is something to aspire to, that makes you a martyr, allowed to repair to the virgins, then there are no more agreements about what life depends on and what it needs to maintain itself. So life was given to you, but now it is supposed to take care of it on its own? Why not just take it and throw it away, it will be much nicer and much more fun, like jumping jacks you throw on streets, where they leave no impression, the streets continue just lying there, gray and smooth. Well, then we rather move on to some kind of fun and sports vehicles (hang gliders!, motor cycles with stuff on them, pick-ups with still more on them, as if it were all about a gathering of fun athletes, and now let’s start shooting, and then we drink something guaranteed non-alcoholic, shoot a few more rounds and then we take our bloody booty home with us, maybe like a homerun in baseball, into cheerful everydayness, a leisure activity that gets you to casually jump over fences, because killing and dying which they don’t fear but desire, have become sports once and for all, if sports can’t be murder. The Christian: Oh death, where is your victory, oh death where is your sting, that’s what it says in 1 Corinthians, here it is answered, but not by Christians. Death as the opposite of desire. For the ones it is terror, loss of dear people or relatives, a draining of everything cherished; for the others this death is glorious fullness, reward, satisfaction, happy dependence on nothing but the final bullet and all other bullets, too. This team always wins, because in the end death comes anyway. So let it come sooner, we don’t have to always go the full distance. If you kill or if you die–this must be equated here, you can fill the emptiness with yourself, rectify the sucking lack and fill it with your own death, for which you were looking and longing, to your own eternalization, your own apotheosis. This is the sting now, we kill and we die, This is our joy. We are the champions.

Basically, all one can do is write around this blank of the unspeakable. The Thirty Years’ war that almost depopulated Europe started with clearly drawn lines, a religious war and a defenestration [plus a soft landing on a dung heap] in Prague until, in the end only marauders roamed across the devastated lands. The population was squeezed dry and gotten rid of by the warlords, as far as possible. Farther would have been preferred by the lords. Then killing would be less work. I beg your pardon, historians, the comparison limps, as they say in the poet’s mother togue, like Mother Courage and her cart that got stuck in the mud. But what can one say but not this way, so then what other way or not at all? The great did not stay great and small not the small, my favorite line in the song of the Moldau (Brecht), and not one stone will be left on another, and most people were gone in the end. Those not born anymore and those born, no longer extend their hands to each other to this day. The chain has been cut apart with bolts and side-cutting pliers that separate sides irrevocably. The slaughtering, even in this 17th century war still knew the battle lines, agreements (even if no one keeps to them, there still are agreements, isn’t that reassuring), rigorously trained mercenary armies, new combat tactics, but there were agreements, that’s at least something. Now they still have to die again, on all sides, everywhere. In the smallest countries. Dying always works, even when there is no place for it.

But if there is only one goal that is the annihilation of the other as planned by the terror organization Hamas and it has always been planned––and there is no place in their heads for any other thoughts but this one, then the one no longer exists either. And if there is neither the one or the other, then civilization is at its end. It is a breach of everything that can still be negotiated. The same and the other cannot enter into a cognition that encompasses both,” writes the Jewish philosopher Emmanuel Lévinas. And furthermore: “The relations that the separated being maintains with what transcends it, are not produced on the ground of totality, do not crystallize into a system. Yet do we not name them together?”

No more together. Now it’s just shooting. And as the Nazis said about their invasion of Poland, Hamas say about their shooting, massacring, raping, torturing, they say, they are shooting back (and, of course, promptly) at something, that hasn’t even shot yet (at least not at that time). This other which has now irrevocably, since one never had anything else on one’s mind, this other then, who actually wants to say that there exists some sort of fellow human relationship between the attacker in his destructive rage and the attacked who does not have this destructive rage against that other one (and this is the fundamental difference between the two) this unconditional destructive rage of a terror gang against an Other–the only democratic state in the region does not annihilate this attacked state, but its attackers. With this crime, Hamas has destroyed itself once and for all. The hostage taking, also of the innocent Palestinians in their overcrowded strip of land, whom the terrorists claim to liberate (at the expense of the destruction of an entire country), takes everything away from them they could have ever attained. The more they affirm the legitimacy and righteousness of their actions, screaming and hurling insult everywhere, here, too, in Vienna, in front of St. Stephen’s Cathedral (yes, it makes you think right away of the thirty years’ war) backed up by the shouts of Austrian dollies, whose mommies might still be cleaning up their nurseries, or by young soccer fans who otherwise march and holler against something else, there are always grounds for marching, as well as opponents, what did I want to say, oh, yes, where did it start it has always started already, that’s a line I hope I still can nail: So then, the more they yell out the legality of their goal, out of totality into totality, this quasi State-terroristic pleasure of murdering these innocent, mostly dancing and celebrating people (State-terrorism? No corresponding state in sight!, no state emerges from such deeds, never ever) all the more emptiness emerges, a sucking vacuum and all the more quickly all efforts for the entrance exams to civilization expire. Hamas does not belong to it. Failed, even before the exam took place. A terrorist organization is not a member of civilization. Lévinas’ de novo and face to face, the I’s reception from the other, according to the philosopher. You can connect the other and the one with a simple “and”, but no religion, no ideology makes a face to face of both. The bow of religion is drawn, the arrow can fly any time, it always hits the target. But religion is not even cement, no, not even a partition wall. Religion is a phantom which, like clouds, can take on any formation. But clouds cannot shoot, They are what is left, smoke, dust, rubble. Religion now is not even something that separates, and even less something connective, of course. Now anyone opposite you has deteriorated into ash which has been ground between both hands of a god who does not exist, refer to him as much as you like (he is referred to most intensely, if you want nothing but destroy the other, ash, scattered over all of us, until the wind blows it apart. Blowing away above our heads. We only see the black smoke getting blown away and horror is all that is left.
Also see: Emmanuel Lévinas: Totality and Infinity.
https://www.elfriedejelinek.com

up-date 2024/3/31:

ここに載せたテクストは、すべて「好意によりクリエーティブ・コモン・センス」の文脈で、日本美術史の記録の為に発表致します。
Creative Commons Attribution　Noncommercial-NoDerivative Works
The following text by Zahira Jaser @ FT: cccs courtesy creative common sense

Coming out as Palestinian

After years of not speaking publicly about my heritage, I now feel a duty to proclaim it

Zahira Jaser MARCH 30 2024

Many times in my life, I have omitted that I am Palestinian. When people asked, “Where is your name from?” I’d quickly respond, “It’s Arabic.” It was complicated enough being a young woman with a foreign accent on the trading floor of a US investment bank in London. No need to confuse people further.
But during the bombing of Gaza in 2021, something changed. The suffering I felt seeing my people killed, amid the silence of public opinion, was too much. I started to speak up about my identity. One day, I met some friends for coffee. One of them asked me why I looked so sad. “Because I am Palestinian,” I said. Another told me recently she remembered thinking, “that’s when you came out as Palestinian.”

I am Palestinian and Italian, with fair skin, blue eyes and a slight Italian accent. I am not “obviously” Palestinian — many people think I am European when they meet me — so it did feel like a coming out. Do not misunderstand me, being Palestinian is one of the greatest honours of my life. But it can feel like a highly stigmatised identity, reinforced by racist assumptions. This is a reality lived by many Palestinians.

The academics Yasmeen Abu-Laban, who is Palestinian, and Abigail Bakan, who is Jewish, both of whom are based in Canada, argue that discrimination directed at Palestinians takes three forms. First, the denial of Palestinian history, or even the existence of a Palestinian people. Second, the denial of the inequality they experience under Israel’s regime. And, finally, the blanket assumption that Palestinians and their allies support terrorism and antisemitism. I have experienced all three.

I now understand better than ever a fear that many of my Jewish friends have talked about: the fear of being erased

In the past, I simply glossed over these episodes. But the current violence against Palestinians in Gaza, tantamount to genocide, is taking such a toll on me that I cannot function properly any more. (Editor’s note: Israel denies a genocide is taking place.) In the past five months I have not been able to think clearly. I start tasks and forget to finish them. I am always tired, always sad. Naturally a strong and cheerful workaholic, I have lost interest in work and in talking to other people.

Since I began writing this essay several months ago, the insufficient level of humanitarian aid that is reaching Gaza has led to the starvation of hundreds of thousands of civilians. A report from the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine and Johns Hopkins University forecasts more than 85,000 deaths by August, if nothing changes. I now understand better than ever a fear that many of my Jewish friends have talked about: the fear of being erased. This is now the fear of Palestinians too. And it is a fear that thrives in silence.

I was born in Italy in the 1970s. My mother, an Italian feminist, taught me to be confident and assertive. My Palestinian dad instilled in me a sense of the importance of human dignity, of respecting everyone, whatever their religious beliefs or walk of life. A true Jerusalemite, he knew that people of all faiths could live peacefully together. He had experienced it growing up in the Old City. “Always keep your head high,” he would tell me. When I was a child, I thought this was just part of having a nice moral upbringing. Later, I realised my parents were preparing me for the discrimination a young Palestinian woman was likely to face.

I first remember feeling the stigma of being Palestinian when I was a teenager, hanging out with a group of friends. It was the early-1990s, and I must have said that my dad was Palestinian. One of the cool kids was quick to display his knowledge of international affairs by calling me a terrorist. Everyone laughed. No, I said, my dad came to Italy to study medicine. He was not a terrorist. But in the weeks and months that followed, the joke became normalised among other students, recited by anyone who wanted to undermine my confidence.

In my first year at university in Italy, I was confronted by a student involved in politics, who was already a local government councillor. “Palestinians do not exist,” he told me. “They are an invention to prevent Jews from getting their land.” This was the first time my mere existence had been defined as a threat to other people. It took me by surprise. My first thought was of my sitti’s (grandmother’s) dress decorated with Palestinian tatreez, our traditional embroidery, which I had loved since I was a child. I thought of her way of wearing her veil, as Christian women did. I thought of the Palestinian songs I knew, the food, the smell of Palestinian zaatar. How could all this have been invented to stop Jews from having their land? The idea that someone might think so gave me shivers. It still does.

As I grew up, I began to see what my parents had been trying to warn me about. For my undergraduate degree, my dissertation in development economics focused on the shoemaking industrial district of Hebron in the West Bank. In the summer of 1996, I travelled there to interview entrepreneurs and study supply chains and business ecosystems. At the airport where I would catch my flight back to Europe, I was held and interrogated by Israeli security forces for four hours. Eventually, I was driven in a separate van to board the flight where I met the humiliating gaze of suspicious passengers who had been delayed for more than an hour. My luggage was confiscated and only returned to me several days later. What triggered this treatment, as well as subsequent episodes, if not my Palestinian identity?

After working in banking for several years I retrained as an academic. In 2018, while I was doing my PhD, I attended a leadership conference. After presenting my research, I was approached by a kind Jewish-American colleague who told me that there were some Israeli scholars there who felt threatened by my presence. They were refusing to attend any session in which I was involved. This came as a surprise. Maybe I was naive, but my research — about managers’ leadership in large companies — could not have been called threatening, or even political.

At dinner that evening, I sat next to an Israeli military commander who was doing a PhD in leadership. He was well-meaning, but assumed a kind of symmetry in the relationship that I did not feel. He did not understand my sense of fragility and intimidation. I tentatively spoke up, heart racing, about the vulnerability of being Palestinian. All I can remember now is the outline of the conversation, but what has stayed with me is my confusion. He was telling me about the training soldiers receive in how to decide when to pull the trigger. To me, it all sounded like softening the blow of an armed occupation, which was more and more stifling on my West Bank family’s ability to work, travel freely and carry out a normal life.

Over time, I started to better understand the intergenerational pain of being Palestinian. About why my dad, who moved from Jerusalem to Italy to study medicine in 1964, never graduated. This had always been a mystery to me, as he passed all the modules and even wrote his dissertation. Now, I saw that he could not function properly. Even at a geographic distance from Gaza, knowing what is taking place there places a huge toll on the emotional and cognitive resources of Palestinians in the diaspora. I can imagine how my dad might have felt in 1967, when Israel forbade the return of those living abroad. He was locked out. He would have been a great doctor. Instead, he became a not-so-good businessman.

I also understood why, in his despair, my father did not teach me Arabic. I think he wanted to protect me. Better just to be Italian, to speak Italian, to live in Europe. He was trying to protect me from the sinking feeling that is the ever-present knowledge of Palestinian suffering. This, in part, is how a people gets erased: when staying true to one’s identity becomes so difficult that teaching one’s own language to children is seen as passing down suffering.

My experience of discrimination comes in spite of the privilege of my white skin, my European accent, my Christian rather than Muslim heritage, and my Italian and British citizenship. I write this knowing I have a job, stable finances and supportive colleagues. And yet, speaking up as a Palestinian — any Palestinian — is risky. We’ve seen people lose their jobs, be cancelled from events and silenced because they joined the voices calling for peace, for ceasefire, for the rights of human beings, and criticising Israeli military violence. Palestinian symbols such as the keffiyeh have been banned in some places, with many pundits conflating marches in support of Palestinians with marches in support of terrorism, or even against Jews. All of it reinforces anti-Palestinian racism.

What does it mean to be Palestinian? There are many answers. There is the reality for those who live in the Occupied Palestinian Territories of the West Bank and Gaza and East Jerusalem; for those who live within the state of Israel as citizens; and those of us who make up the diaspora. I cannot speak for everyone, so, watching from the safety of the UK, I ask myself what being Palestinian means to me.

Attempting to answer, I find refuge in the writing of Mahmoud Darwish and Edward Said, giants who explored this question from a position of diaspora. We have a common experience of exile, nostalgia and longing. In their voices I hear my father’s. They were all born in Palestine before 1948, men who felt ostracised and who died far from their native land.

It was not just the physical displacement — or external exile, as Darwish defined it — that tainted their experience. It was also internal. “Exile,” Darwish wrote, “exists in the self that is deprived of free thought and speech forced on it by an oppressive regime and an equally oppressive society. One finds oneself exiled in one’s own society.”

In all societies there are extremists who should be condemned, but the tendency to conflate all Palestinians with extremism deprives us all of free speech. Such silencing is a form of psychological exile. It is not just a dehumanising experience, it sparks existential fear. Because after the dispossession, the killings and the forced removals, many Palestinians’ existence as Palestinians depends on freedom to think and to speak.

The ongoing annihilation of Gaza is making the Palestinian experience more uniform. No matter where Palestinians live, the violence we are witnessing unites us all. Palestinian advocacy is more important than ever right now, to counter the pervasiveness of an old but rising form of discrimination: anti-Palestinian racism.
Whether one is publicly Palestinian, or otherwise.

https://www.ft.com/content/ded4cf0a-81ac-4caf-8977-e10dfe87ec2a

ここに載せたテクストは、すべて「好意によりクリエーティブ・コモン・センス」の文脈で、日本美術史の記録の為に発表致します。
Creative Commons Attribution　Noncommercial-NoDerivative Works
The following text by Zahira Jaser @ FT: cccs courtesy creative common sense

Jerusalem today: over 50,000 Muslim worshipers gathered for the third Friday Ramadan prayer.

Wishing a Ramadan Kareem to all who are observing.

Berlin Museum Removes All Artwork Depicting Rivers or Seas

The German media praised the move, accusing several international bodies of water of antisemitism.
Hakim Bishara, hyperallergic, 1. April 2024

By a government decree, Germany’s National Gallery in Berlin (Alte Nationalgalerie) has removed all artwork depicting rivers or seas from view.
According to the museum’s announcement, the move is intended to prevent creating “the conditions for the probability of the possibility of inadvertently alluding to the chant ‘From the River to Sea, Palestine Will Be Free.’”
The removed works include Gustave Courbet’s “The Wave” (1869), Caspar David Friedrich’s “The Monk by the Sea” (1808-10), Carl Blechen’s “Fishermen on Capri” (1834), and hundreds more.
The decision is a watered-down version of a previous proposal to landfill Germany’s Rhine river in solidarity with the people of Israel.
“If we’re serious about respecting the historical traumas of the Jewish people, we must eliminate every river, canal, and creek in this country,” said one parliament member, also pledging to never visit a beach for the rest of his life.
The German media praised the move, accusing several international bodies of water, including the mighty Nile, of maintaining “an ongoing stream of antisemitism.”
Members of the German left — now down to five people — have protested against the new measure, but no one paid attention.
Due to lack of space at the museum’s storage facility, some of the removed artworks were transferred to an underground warehouse located in a former World War II Nazi bunker. Oh, the irony.

https://hyperallergic.com/881440/berlin-museum-removes-all-artwork-depicting-rivers-or-seas/

up-date 2024/4/4

Spain to recognize Palestinian statehood by July
Foreign Minister Albares argued the move was needed to ensure peace in the region and guarantee Israel’s security.

APRIL 3, 2024
BY AITOR HERNÁNDEZ-MORALES

BRUSSELS — Spanish Foreign Minister José Manuel Albares confirmed on Wednesday that Madrid will recognize the State of Palestine before July.
“We need a real Palestinian state,” Albares said at a meeting with journalists in Brussels. “The Palestinian people must not be condemned to forever be refugees.”
Spain’s parliament passed a non-binding resolution in favor of recognizing Palestinian statehood in 2014, but both center-right then-Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy and his successor, Socialist Party leader Pedro Sánchez, maintained that official recognition should only happen in concert with the rest of the European Union.
Albares said the change in Spain’s position was directly linked to the high number of civilian casualties since Hamas’ Oct. 7 attack and the launch of Israel’s military operations in Gaza, as well as to the lack of progress in securing peace by other methods. He added that recognizing Palestinian statehood was key to ending the conflict in the region.
“We feel the same solidarity for the 32,000 Palestinians who have been killed as we do for the 1,200 Israelis,” he said. “This recognition takes Israel into the equation: The recognition of the Palestinian state is the best guarantee of security for Israel.”
During an informal meeting on Monday with journalists accompanying him on a tour of the Middle East, Sánchez suggested Spain could recognize Palestine before the summer. The Spanish PM has been one of the most forceful critics within the EU of Israel’s military operations in Gaza, and on Tuesday demanded explanations from Israeli authorities following the deaths of seven people working for Spanish celebrity chef José Andrés’ World Central Kitchen in an airstrike in the Palestinian enclave.
In a joint statement released after last month’s European Council summit in Brussels, the heads of government of Spain, Ireland, Malta and Slovenia announced their readiness to extend recognition “for the sake of peace and security” in the region “when the time is right.”
Nine of the EU’s 27 members currently recognize the right of Palestinians to a state, but the majority did so prior to joining the bloc and within a 1988 effort among then-Communist and non-aligned countries.
Only Sweden, which extended recognition in 2014, has done so as an EU member.

https://www.politico.eu/article/spain-recognize-palestine-state-statehood-by-july-2024-foreign-minister-jose-manuel-albares/

Up-date 2024/April/5

Today ARTnews published an excellent article by Eliza Levinson. Her report has to be applauded. Iijama’s political agenda triggered off my public reaction here on ART+CULTURE. Until today, no Japanese art media had the guts to go deep into this extremely important actual theme.
For copyright reasons, I have hereby to proclaim, that this is an extension of my past articles, which I, as a Japanese artist, published here on ART+CULTURE, see the links. It can be art-re-contextualized also as a body of work, still in progress. This text on this page has to be understood as part of my artistic practice, in this context called “appropriation art”. No commercial interests are involved. Creative Commons Attribution Noncommercial-NoDerivative Works. Photographs have to be understood under the terms of courtesy creative common sense.
Via statistic analysis, I can see, if links had been activated. The result shows me, that almost no-one clicks on the links.
In this context, my decision to post the whole text my Eliza Levinson has to be understood.
Her text is of art historical importance.
Thank you, Eliza Levinson, for your research and superb writing!

Inflamed by the War in Gaza, Germany’s Art Scene Is Tearing Itself Apart

BY ELIZA LEVINSON, April 4, 2024

Since October, the German cultural sector has been in turmoil. The ongoing crises in Israel and Palestine have inflamed some of Germany’s most sensitive, and urgent, political debates, sparking cancelations, defundings, boycotts, and resignations. As if overnight, cultural institutions have leapt—or been forced into—the fray of answering to the nation’s most existential questions: antisemitism and Jewish life in Germany, racism, immigration, xenophobia, and the legacy of the Holocaust.

Some of the more widely publicized cancelations of the last several months have gotten attention beyond Germany, like the fracas over Masha Gessen’s receipt of the Hannah Arendt prize, the resignation of the entire Documenta 16 finding committee, and the Frankfurt Book Fair’s cancelation of an event honoring Palestinian author Adania Shibli.

In January, tensions skyrocketed when the Berlin government announced that it would implement a new “anti-Semitism clause” to funding applications in the cultural sector. According to Berlin cultural minister Joe Chialo, applicants would have to formally agree to conform to the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) definition of antisemitism, which includes the points that “drawing comparisons of contemporary Israeli policy to that of the Nazis” and “denying the Jewish people their right to self-determination, e.g. by claiming that the existence of the State of Israel is a racist endeavor” are antisemitic. Both are often elements of the public debate in Germany surrounding Israel and Palestine, and the war in Gaza.

Shortly thereafter, and in response to the significant protest that ensued, Chialo announced that the government would not be mandating the “antisemitism clause” after all, citing “legal concerns.”

In Berlin, local coverage centered around the defunding of Oyoun, a cultural center that lost its backing from the city government as a result of a planned “mourning and grieving” event to be co-hosted with a group whose name translates to Jewish Voice for a Just Peace in the Middle East (referred to in Germany as a shortened version of its name in German, Jüdische Stimme). Jüdische Stimme is a partner, but not a satellite, of the anti-Zionist activist group Jewish Voices for Peace, and has been a vocal part of pro-Palestinian organizing in Berlin since October 2023.

Today, an Instagram account called Archive of Silence is crowdsourcing a list of cancelled events in the form of a Google sheet. As of early April, the group had logged 127 instances of “cancellation & silencing” around the country.

When brought to the international stage, these dramas have made waves as examples of Germany’s use—or abuse—of its hardline policies against antisemitism, which, in contrast to America’s free speech policies, make antisemitic words and gestures (such as the swastika and the Sieg Heil salute) grounds for arrest. The polemical antisemitism clause in particular laid bare the German state’s overtly political expectations for its sponsored artists, inciting outrage for some. For others, the “free speech” debate minimizes the very real, dramatic uptick in antisemitic incidents in Germany since the fall, as well as the increasing political power of the far-right Alternativ für Deutschland (AfD) party, which has been on the ascendant since 2017.

The German government has a particularly robust network for supporting the arts: in 2020, the national government invested the equivalent of $15.5 billion (€14.5 billion) into the cultural sector, having increased its cultural spending by more than 55 percent over the course of a decade.

“Most of our cultural scene is funded by public institutions,” art historian Julia Voss, who co-curated the 2019 exhibition “Documenta: Politics and Art”at the Deutsches Historisches Museum, said in an interview. “It comes with a maximum of freedom. And that’s, I think, what we are discussing now: whether there is a limit to this maximum.”

Last year, the German government announced that it would be dramatically slashing budgets for the cultural sector in 2024 by €254 million due to the country’s ongoing recession. While the question of how to meaningfully exhibit political artwork in the art world is perpetually fraught, the fever pitch of discourse in Germany today swirls around how to bring the political commentary central to the contemporary art world to public discussions of Israel, Palestine, and the war in Gaza. As German institutions move forward with freshly tightened belts, the ongoing debates over free speech, censorship, and accusations of bigotry expose the fissures in the country’s deeply entwined arts and political spheres.

For some in Germany’s cultural sector, this isn’t exactly their first rodeo.

In 2022, the 15th iteration of Documenta—Germany’s answer to the Venice Biennale—was the exhibition’s most geographically and racially diverse iteration to date, and was also overwhelmed by antisemitism allegations, which may be the quinquennial’s most lasting impression. Though some accusations were debated widely, with detractors focusing on issues like the pro-Palestinian Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement or whether a depiction of an Israeli soldier as a robot was antisemitic, one instance of anti-Jewish bigotry was impossible to refute. During the exhibition’s opening days, a mural featuring an antisemitic caricature of an Orthodox Jewish man with payos, fangs, and a hat emblazoned with the SS insignia was unveiled in Documenta’s central green.

Then and now, one side of the documenta debate articulated a painful, pervasive narrative in Germany: the notion of “imported antisemitism,” the belief that the most dangerous threats to Jewish life in Germany are immigrants, more specifically, Muslims, Arabs, and people of color. Statistics refute the accuracy of this concept: a 2022 police report found that 83 percent of antisemitic hate crimes in Germany are perpetrated by German neo-Nazis. In 2019, that statistic was as high as 90 percent.

But what, exactly, is antisemitism? Even within Jewish communities, the answers are many. One central, international rift exposed by the ongoing crisis in Israel and Palestine is the debate around whether “anti-Zionism” can be considered anti-Jewish bigotry. In Germany, the concept of the “singularity” of the Holocaust—that no country’s actions, past or present, can be compared to the Holocaust, because it was a uniquely atrocious event—is one that is deeply embedded in the national psyche, although it is widely disputed among international historians, and has been since its inception (naturally, in a language known for neologisms, this concept has its own German word, Historikerstreit). The idea of the singularity of the Holocaust is central to the Berlin government’s proposed antisemitism clause, which explicitly prohibited comparing anything to the Nazis’ atrocities.

Contemporary German art history, including its modern cultural sphere, is imprinted with the Third Reich, from the wealth inherited by some of the country’s most influential collectors to the hundreds of thousands of artworks looted from largely Jewish families who had been sent to concentration camps.

The same can be said of the prestigious institutions that continue to dominate Germany’s cultural sphere, though their histories can be more difficult to mine: it wasn’t until 2019 that researchers learned that influential art historian Werner Haftmann had lied about his involvement with the Nazi party. Haftmann had not, as he claimed, avoided enlistment in Hitler’s regime. In fact, he had been a registered member of the Nazi party and the SA, Hitler’s paramilitary wing, and was a wanted war criminal in Italy “known to have hunted, tortured, and executed resistance party members.”

Hitler’s government collapsed in 1945. By 1955, Haftmann was a central cofounder of the Documenta, and by 1967, he was the founding director of the Neue Nationalgalerie, one of the country’s most renowned contemporary art museums.

Today, workers going as high up as Haus der Kulturen der Welt director Bonaventure Soh Bejeng Ndikung have described the German cultural institution as an environment in which meaningful change—change that is not superficial, but actively restructures the violent legacy of these hallowed spaces—can feel difficult, if not impossible, to manifest.

In an interview, freelance cultural worker Paul—whose name has been changed at his request—painted a picture of German cultural institutions as rigid, rules-bound places with intimidatingly hierarchical atmospheres. “Is there also this expression ‘Kafkaesque’ in America?” Paul asked, by way of explanation.

In Paul’s view, the average worker in a German cultural institution operates in a complex bureaucratic web with an atmosphere of “anxiety and fear” and “no explanation” bordering on the absurd. Paul said he often asks himself questions such as: “Who is in power? What’s going on? Am I going crazy? Is this person crazy?”

Pressure to perform is particularly high for freelancers, Paul said, “because you are in a relatively precarious situation, or you don’t have a lot of job security, and they can potentially cancel your contract.” According to Paul, involvement with German institutions can foster feelings of otherness and exclusion, even from within. “As a mixed-race German person, I’m not necessarily seen as being an integral part of this country, and of these institutions,” he said. “I’m always bringing in perspectives that are [seen as] interesting, but not maybe central to this country’s narrative.”

Emil, another pseudonymous museum employee who spoke to me on the condition of anonymity, said that some of his colleagues feel comfortable talking about their political opinions on Israel, Palestine, and Gaza “behind closed doors,” and that they also feel that they can go to demonstrations without fear of professional repercussions. Emil added that higher-ups are loath to make public statements, such as on Instagram.

“There’s people from the curatorial team urging the other staff to do something,” he explained. Things often become complicated, with players like the press department and the director having to get involved. As such, Emil’s more cautious colleagues are operating with the belief “that their political position is reflected through their program.”

“Neither cultural workers nor curators nor directors are necessarily political activists,” Emil said.

Ultimately, according to Emil, German institutions “work so slowly,” making it exceedingly difficult to adequately respond to, or prepare for, political upheaval in Germany’s state-funded cultural sphere, in which “everything is [prepared], like, two years ahead.” Later, he clarified that the issue wasn’t exclusively bureaucratic, but also a matter of putting in sufficient “knowledge, awareness, and understanding … to see through such complex situations (both in Germany and in Gaza) and to formulate a response without running the risk of this stirring more destructive conflict and controversy.” And it doesn’t help that, as he concluded, “The art world is full of crazy people. Crazy people in power.”

For some, the current climate in Germany is more than an issue of bad press, programming, or aesthetics. When I spoke to Palestinian-Syrian poet Ghayath Almadhoun, whose poetry anthology launch event was canceled at the Haus für Poesie in October, he pushed back against the idea that this article will try to present multiple sides of the fraught German debate, with the “canceled” artists on one side and voices humanizing the German institutional ethos on the other. To him, the issue at hand is censorship, which deserves no justification.

“If you try to make an article to show the two voices, we are already lost,” Almadhoun told me. “There should be no discussion between me and you [about] if we should silence people or not.” Later, he added, “I lost more than 100 people from my family in Gaza. My family lost 85 [children]. I’m not allowed to say this. This is considered to be antisemitic in Germany.”

For Almadhoun, who lived in Syria until 2008, Germany’s current climate no longer resembles a democracy. “I’m going to secret meetings,” he told me. “The last time I did that was in Syria.”

One of Almadhoun’s secret meeting groups has titled itself on Signal “the dinosaurs”: a covert group of high-ranking people in Berlin’s cultural sphere that “want to do something,” but remain anonymous because they fear that “if their bosses or the people who work under them knew” about their involvement, they could lose their jobs. From his perspective, the defunding of Oyoun, the cultural center in Berlin that partnered with a left-wing Jewish group, was a message from the German government “to threaten” cultural spaces: “If you give a stage to leftist Jews who don’t fit into the story we tell, you will be canceled.”

As Almadhoun indicated, Jewish artists and intellectuals are not invulnerable to the German state’s accusations of antisemitism, with penalties to match: the aforementioned drama over Masha Gessen’s receipt of the Hannah Arendt prize was well-covered, while Jews like Candice Breitz, Michael Rothberg, Deborah Feldman, and Bernie Sanders have had events and exhibitions canceled, or were otherwise symbolically boycotted because of statements they made about Israel, Palestine, or the war in Gaza. Jewish Israeli artists and academics Yael Ronen and Ilan Pappé have also been penalized for critiquing their home country’s government within Germany. Feldman and Sanders are descendants of victims and survivors of the Holocaust, and Pappé’s parents arrived in Israel in the 1930s after having fled Nazi persecution in Germany.

“It’s entirely appropriate that the grandchildren of the people who murdered millions of Jews would feel a deep-seated and ongoing responsibility to be vigilant against antisemitism,” artist Breitz wrote to me via email. “When that sense of responsibility translates into unthinking dogma, however—as it has in recent years in Germany—it becomes dangerous and counter-productive. Germany’s over-zealous anti-antisemitism has translated into a climate in which progressive Jews, Muslims and/or Arabs are virtually seen as antisemitic by default. This, of course, affects Palestinians most brutally.”

She continued, “Many progressive Jews in this country have come to believe that Germany’s habit of weaponizing false charges of antisemitism against intellectuals and cultural workers in the absence of credible evidence has little to do with a genuine concern for the safety of Jewish lives, and can best be understood as serving to promote Germany’s image of itself as a forward-looking country that has managed to overcome its own deeply antisemitic and genocidal past.”

The topic remains divisive within Berlin’s Jewish community, which is the largest in the country, numbering around 10,000 people, according to the World Jewish Congress. For German-Jewish author Laura Cazés, who works for the Central Welfare Board of Jews in Germany, the current debate is monopolized by some of the country’s most privileged, most recent Jewish arrivals: upper middle-class “expats” (my word, not hers) from countries like the US, South Africa, Israel, or South America who don’t understand the severity of antisemitism in Germany or the extent to which Jewish life must still be vigilantly protected by the German government. “Antisemitism didn’t leave Germany [in] 1945,” she told me, “which, I believe, is something that you can’t 100 percent grasp if you don’t speak the language.”

Regarding the German debate about Israel/Palestine and free speech, Cazés expressed frustration: the country’s largest Jewish population, immigrants with largely working-class backgrounds from the former USSR, is “completely unheard and invisible, even though telling their story would be extremely interesting and important in order to understand what’s actually going on in Germany. Or is it better to listen to people who use their very elaborate language that they’ve developed in their country of origin, and apply it now to a country that they might not really understand?”

Six months into the war in Gaza, many in Germany’s art world continue to fear the repercussions of being called an antisemite, which Almadhoun described as including “exclu[sion] from various opportunities” and “uncertain” financial futures. These penalties are particularly daunting when the charges may be exacerbated by—if not, as Almadhoun sees it, directly due to—the simple fact of one’s immutable Palestinian identity. “I am one of many individuals who find themselves in a country where an essential aspect of their identity is unjustly labeled as dangerous, deemed politically incorrect, treated as adversarial, and unwelcome in Germany,” he wrote in an email last month.

Still, he believes that “to be canceled in Germany is a golden medal.” He continued, “One of my Jewish friends called me and he was so sad. He told me, ‘I’m not canceled. What’s wrong with me?’ And I told him, ‘Take it easy. You are wonderful. It’s a question of time. They will find you; they will cancel you.’ If you are not canceled in Germany, it’s really: shame on you.

“Who are the people who have been canceled?” he continued. “The leftist Jewish people who take a stand with people who are under occupation? The Israeli left, with the best thinkers in Israel; the best thinkers in Europe; the best thinkers in Palestine—the best people who really believe in freedom of speech.” Later on, he added: “As a Palestinian, we were not able to do anything in Germany without the help of our Jewish friends.”

https://www.artnews.com/art-news/news/germany-art-scene-israel-war-gaza

2024/4/7 up-date

東浩紀 Hiroki Azuma @hazuma

ちなみに僕が「こんな左翼っぽいことは言いたくないけど」と前置きしたのは、日本の左翼には10月7日のハマスの行為をテロと呼ばない人もいて、そんな人々の仲間だと思われたくなかったからです。あれは明確にテロです。ハマスは悪い。でもそれはイスラエルの植民地主義を正当化する理由にならない。

Translated from Japanese by Google

By the way, I prefaced my statement by saying “I don’t want to say such left-wing things,” because there are some leftists in Japan who don’t call Hamas’ actions on October 7 a terrorist act, and I didn’t want to be seen as one of those people. It was clearly a terrorist act. Hamas is bad. But that doesn’t justify Israeli colonialism.

Link_https://twitter.com/hazuma/status/1776911045522579470

2024/4/8 up-date:

DIE LAGE IN NAHOST
Gaza: Unklarheit über Israels Rafah-Pläne
FAZ, 08.04.2024

Nach dem Teilabzug aus Khan Yunis könnte Israel bald eine Offensive in Rafah beginnen. Es gibt aber auch Hinweise darauf, dass sie aufgeschoben wird. Netanjahu könnte auf Zeit spielen, um seine Macht zu sichern.

Während die Vermittler im Gazakrieg einen neuen Vorstoß für eine Waffenruhe unternehmen, befeuert die israelische Armee nach einem Teilabzug die Spekulationen um einen möglichen Angriff auf Rafah im Süden des Küstenstreifens. Die Truppen hätten nach Zerschlagung der militärischen Strukturen der islamistischen Hamas in Khan Junis die lange umkämpfte Stadt verlassen, „um sich auf ihre künftigen Missionen vorzubereiten, einschließlich in Rafah“, sagte Verteidigungsminister Joav Galant am Sonntag.

Dies könnte auf eine bevorstehende Einigung bei den neuen Verhandlungen in Kairo über eine Waffenruhe und Freilassung von Geiseln hindeuten, schrieb die israelische Zeitung „Haaretz“. In dem Fall werde eine Offensive auf Rafah für die Dauer der Feuerpause ausbleiben. Doch selbst wenn es keine Einigung geben sollte, werde es mit ziemlicher Sicherheit noch eine Weile dauern, bis Israels Armee in Rafah vorgehe, schrieb die Zeitung.

Genau sechs Monate nach Beginn des Gazakrieges hatte Israel am Sonntag überraschend einen Teil seiner Truppen aus Khan Junis abgezogen. Kurz darauf machten sich die ersten Palästinenser laut israelischen Medienberichten auf, dorthin zurückzukehren. Nach monatelangem Bombardement und schweren Kämpfen zwischen israelischen Truppen und Kämpfern der islamistischen Hamas liegt ein Großteil des Gebiets in Trümmern.

Generalstabschef: weit davon entfernt, aufzuhören

Israels Generalstabschef Herzi Halevi machte derweil deutlich, ein Ende des Krieges sei noch lange nicht in Sicht. „Der Krieg in Gaza dauert an, und wir sind weit davon entfernt, aufzuhören“, sagte Halevi am Sonntag. Ranghohe Funktionäre der Hamas hielten sich in dem abgeriegelten Küstengebiet weiter versteckt. „Wir werden sie früher oder später erreichen.“

„Wir werden keine Hamas-Brigaden aktiv lassen, in keinem Teil des Gazastreifens“, sagte Halevi. Die Zeit werde kommen, in der die Hamas nicht länger das Küstengebiet kontrolliere und die Sicherheit Israels bedrohe, sagte auch Verteidigungsminister Galant.

Israels Ministerpräsident Benjamin Netanjahu hat immer wieder erklärt, dass hierzu ein Einmarsch in Rafah und die Zerschlagung der dort verbliebenen letzten Bataillone der Hamas unerlässlich sei. In der an Ägypten grenzenden Stadt suchen derzeit mehr als eine Million Palästinenser auf engstem Raum Schutz vor den Kämpfen.

Keine Vorbereitungen für Evakuierungen in Rafah

Die USA und Deutschland haben Israel wiederholt vor einer großangelegten Bodenoffensive in Rafah gewarnt. US-Präsident Joe Biden hatte Netanjahu klargemacht, ein Einmarsch dort ohne vorherige Evakuierung der Zivilisten sei eine „rote Linie“ für ihn. Israels Armee kündigte an, für die Menschen aus Rafah weiter nördlich „humanitäre Inseln“ zu schaffen. Vorbereitungen dafür gebe es aber noch gar nicht, schrieb „Haaretz“. Möglich sei denn auch, dass keine dieser Entwicklungen über die kommenden Wochen oder Monate hinweg eintrete. Dies würde nur einem dienen, schrieb die israelische Zeitung weiter: Netanjahu.

Nach Einschätzung amerikanischer und israelischer Beamter glaube Israels zunehmend unter Druck stehender Ministerpräsident, dass ein sich in die Länge ziehender Krieg im Gazastreifen seine Chancen erhöhe, an der Macht zu bleiben, berichtete auch das Nachrichtenportal „Axios“. In einer Kabinettssitzung sagte Netanjahu am Sonntag einmal mehr, Israel sei „einen Schritt vom totalen Sieg entfernt“. Solange der Krieg andauere, seien Neuwahlen, die Netanjahu um sein Amt bringen könnten, weniger wahrscheinlich, hieß es in dem „Axios“-Bericht. „Und je mehr Zeit vergeht, desto mehr Chancen hat er, sich politisch zu erholen.“

Erneut große Demonstration in Israel

Am Sonntagabend gingen in Jerusalem nach Angaben der Organisatoren der Massendemonstration erneut rund 50.000 Menschen auf die Straße und forderten in Sprechchören Netanjahu und seine Regierung auf, die im Gazastreifen weiter festgehaltenen Geiseln nach Hause zu bringen. Auch am Vortag hatten Zehntausende Menschen in Tel Aviv und anderen israelischen Städten gegen Netanjahus Regierung demonstriert. Kritiker werfen ihm vor, den Schutz der Gaza-Grenze vernachlässigt zu haben und die Interessen des Landes seinem politischen Überleben unterzuordnen. Demonstranten forderten wiederholt seinen Rücktritt.

Viele Israelis haben nach wie vor mit den traumatischen Folgen des Massakers vom 7. Oktober zu kämpfen. Terroristen der Hamas und anderer Gruppierungen hatten an jenem Tag den Süden Israels überfallen, rund 1200 Menschen getötet und weitere 250 als Geiseln in den Gazastreifen verschleppt. Es war der Auslöser des Gaza-Krieges. Nach Angaben der von der Hamas kontrollierten palästinensischen Gesundheitsbehörde in Gaza wurden bisher mehr als 33.000 Palästinenser bei den israelischen Angriffen getötet, wobei die unabhängig kaum zu überprüfenden Angaben keinen Unterschied zwischen Kämpfern und Zivilisten machen.

Hier finden Sie einen externen Inhalt von Youtube. Um externe Inhalte anzuzeigen, ist Ihre widerrufliche Zustimmung nötig. Dabei können personenbezogene Daten von Drittplattformen (ggf. USA) verarbeitet werden. Weitere Informationen.
CIA-Chef und Hamas-Vertreter in Kairo

Unterdessen sind am Sonntag in Kairo die indirekten Verhandlungen über eine Waffenruhe und die Freilassung von Geiseln, die von der Hamas festgehalten werden, wieder aufgenommen worden. Zu diesem Zweck reisten CIA-Direktor William Burns und eine Delegation der Hamas in die ägyptische Hauptstadt. Am Sonntagabend traf auch der qatarische Ministerpräsident und Außenminister Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani ein. Der Chef des israelischen Auslandsgeheimdienstes Mossad, David Barnea, soll israelischen Berichten nach ebenfalls teilnehmen. Die USA als Israels wichtigster Verbündeter wollen einen Durchbruch in den seit Wochen festgefahren Verhandlungen herbeiführen.

Da Israel und die Hamas nicht direkt miteinander reden, treten die USA, Qatar und Ägypten als Vermittler auf. Im Laufe einer einwöchigen Feuerpause Ende November vergangenen Jahres ließ die Hamas 105 Geiseln im Austausch gegen 240 palästinensische Häftlinge frei. Knapp 100 der Geiseln, die nach dem Terrorüberfall der Hamas vom 7. Oktober nach Gaza verschleppt wurden, dürften nach israelischen Schätzungen noch am Leben sein.

Neue Drohungen aus Iran

Unterdessen wurden am Sonntag neue Drohungen aus dem Iran gegen Israel laut. „Die Widerstandsfront ist bereit für alle möglichen Vergeltungsszenarien und keine israelische Botschaft weltweit ist sicher davor“, sagte General Jajhja Rahim-Safawi am Sonntag. Er ist ein Berater des obersten iranischen Führers, Ajatollah Ali Chamenei.

Vergangene Woche waren unter anderem zwei iranische Brigadegeneräle bei einem Raketenangriff auf das iranische Botschaftsgelände in Damaskus getötet worden. Irans Staatsspitze macht Israel für die Attacke verantwortlich und drohte mit Vergeltung. Seitdem wird ein Angriff auf Ziele Israels oder der USA befürchtet. Beide Länder sind daher in höchster Alarmbereitschaft.
https://www.faz.net/aktuell/politik/ausland/gaza-unklarheit-ueber-israels-rafah-plaene-19638008.html

国立西洋美術館でスポンサーの川崎重工に異例の抗議　作家に「声を上げなければ」と思わせたガザ侵攻との関係
2024年4月8日

東京・上野の国立西洋美術館で3月、企画展の出品作家らが、同館オフィシャルパートナーの川崎重工に対する抗議行動を行った。攻撃用ドローンの導入を計画する防衛省が、候補機としてイスラエル製を選定。川重がその輸入代理店になっているからだ。日本で美術家が美術館スポンサーに直接抗議するのは異例だという。ガザ侵攻に国際的な非難が強まる中、イスラエル製を選んだ政府の判断は、理解が得られるだろうか。（森本智之）
◆防衛省が選んだ「攻撃用ドローン」をつくるイスラエル
　「私は美術家として直接展覧会に参加する立場にあり、本当にそれでよいのか、声を上げなければいけないのではないかと思った」。抗議した一人、美術家の飯山由貴氏は振り返る。

問題を知ったのは、企画展開幕約1週間前の交流サイト（SNS）の書き込みだった。防衛省は攻撃用ドローンの導入を検討するに当たり、2023年度に性能を検証する実証機を選定したが、7機中5機がイスラエル製だった。このうち1機の輸入代理店が川重で、他に日本エヤークラフトサプライ、海外物産、住商エアロシステムも別の機種の代理店になっている。

◆「松方コレクション」を批判的に読み解く作品を出品
　西洋美術館は川重の前身・川崎造船所の初代社長を務めた松方幸次郎が収集した「松方コレクション」を基礎に発足した。飯山氏は今回の企画展で、コレクションは帝国主義下の戦争特需の利益で購入されたとして、批判的に読み解く立体作品を展示していた。その創作の過程とガザでの軍事衝突の激化が重なり、ドローンについて知った時「ガザが結び付いた。行動するしかないと思った」という。

　開幕前日の3月11日に開かれるメディア向け内覧会で抗議行動をすることを決め、協力してくれそうな知人や出展作家らに伝えた。

当日は記者説明の途中で立ち上がり「イスラエル政府のジェノサイド（民族大量虐殺）に強く反対します」と抗議文を読み上げ、川重にドローンの輸入取りやめを、美術館には川重への働きかけを求めた。賛同する他の作家や市民も垂れ幕などで抗議の意を表した。
　立場の強い美術館やスポンサーへの抗議についてSNSなどでは「勇気ある行動」とたたえる声の一方、批判も多い。中には「作家は創作で意思表明すべきだ」との意見もあるが、飯山氏は「抗議行動には瞬発的な拡散力やインパクトがある。創作では悪化していく現実のスピードに追いつけない。今回はアーティストではなく一人の市民として行動した」と述べた。

◆「今後数年は公立美術館から仕事は来ないだろう」と覚悟
　元々飯山氏は社会や歴史の中で「周縁にいる人やもの」を追いかけてきた。精神疾患を患う妹の映像作品を撮った時、妹が患者の当事者運動に勇気づけられてきたことを痛感した。「社会に意見を表明する運動があることによって、力を与えられる人がいると信じるようになった」という。
　東京都人権プラザが飯山氏に依頼した企画展で2022年、関東大震災の朝鮮人虐殺に触れた映像作品が上映中止になった。小池百合子知事が朝鮮人犠牲者に追悼文を送っていないことを踏まえ、都の担当が懸念を示していたことが後に判明した。この時も飯山氏は会見で顚末（てんまつ）を明らかにし都に抗議を続けた。「今後数年は公立美術館から仕事は来ないだろう」と覚悟していたが「できる人ができることをやればいい。今回の抗議でも私はできると思うことをやった」と述べた。

抗議後は西洋美術館と話し合いの場を持っているが、要求に応じるかは見通せないという。ただ、抗議行動がSNSなどで広まり「ガザで起きていることを人ごとだと感じられない人が増えたことは良かった」と話した。

◆「対応しない」「コメントは控える」…抗議の意味は
　飯山氏らの抗議に対し、川重は「特に対応しない」とし、西洋美術館は「コメントは控える」とした。この回答を見る限り、飯山氏の言うように、状況が変わるかは分からない。
　ただ、高千穂大の五野井郁夫教授（政治学）は「美術家が政治や社会問題をテーマに創作したり発言するのは普通のことだが、今回のように美術館やスポンサーに内覧会で直接抗議するのは、海外と異なり日本では珍しい。美術館は表現の自由を守る場所。飯山さんがストレートに声を上げ、それを制止せず表現させた西洋美術館側の対応も適切だった」と意義を述べる。

イスラエルとの武器取引をめぐっては、伊藤忠商事が2月、子会社とイスラエルの軍事企業などが結んでいた協力関係の覚書を解消している。
　その理由として、伊藤忠は直前の1月、国際司法裁判所（ICJ）がイスラエルに対しジェノサイド防止の暫定措置命令と、これに対して上川陽子外相が出した「誠実に履行されるべきものだ」との談話を踏まえた、という。若者を中心にネット署名で2万5000筆を集めるなど抗議も行われた。

◆「実証機」なぜイスラエル製品ばかり？
　今回のドローン実証機の選定は1～2月、こうした動きと同じタイミングで行われた。実証機に選ばれた場合、各メーカーは、飛行距離など防衛省の要求する性能について試験を実施、報告書を提出するという事業内容で、実証機は一般競争入札で決定した。本格導入する機体については、今後、報告書の内容などを踏まえて検討するという。

3月12日の参院外交防衛委員会で共産党の山添拓氏は「イスラエルの軍需産業を支援することになる」「伊藤忠はICJの暫定措置命令に応じた。日本政府もやめるべきだ」と求めた。だが、木原稔防衛相は「防衛装備品の取得はわが国の安全保障環境をふまえつつ、要求性能や経費、維持整備などさまざまな要素を勘案した上で総合的に検討する。現時点で特定の国の装備品の取得を予断するものではない」と答弁。現段階では実証段階であることを強調した。

実証機の大半がイスラエル製になった理由については、防衛装備庁の久沢洋・調達事業部長が「一般競争入札で最低価格で入札した企業と契約した」などと述べ、1円落札もあったと明らかにした。あくまで結果論との説明だ。
　だが、「武器取引反対ネットワーク」の杉原浩司氏は「実証段階とはいえ、本格導入の候補機として、7機中5機もイスラエル製を選ぶという行為自体が、イスラエルのガザでのジェノサイドを容認するメッセージを国際社会に送るに等しい」と非難する。

◆日本政府の対応は世界の潮流に逆行しているのでは？
　杉原氏によると、第2次安倍政権以降、日本はイスラエルと防衛協力の覚書を締結するなど、軍事的な結び付きを強めてきた。昨年3月に千葉で開かれた武器見本市には、イスラエルから前回の5倍近い14社が参加。日本の防衛費拡大をイスラエル側は商機とみており「今回の問題もその延長線上にある」と指摘する。
　立命館大生存学研究所客員研究員の金城美幸氏（パレスチナ地域研究）は「国連の人権専門家は2月23日、イスラエルへの武器禁輸の必要性を強調する声明を出した。その中で、伊藤忠の覚書解消にも触れ、称賛している。イスラエルと武器取引を解消する動きは欧州を中心に各国に広がっており、武器供与を続ける米国とのギャップは広がっている」と解説。今回の防衛省の実証機選定については「国際的な流れに逆行している」と問題視している。

◆デスクメモ
　イスラエルとハマスの戦闘開始から7日で半年たった。ガザでの死者は3万人を超えたという。イスラエルによる過剰な報復に世界的な批判が高まり、日本でも同日、各地でデモが実施された。政府や企業は抗議の声に耳をふさぎ、時が過ぎるのを待つのか。見識が問われている。（北）

https://www.tokyo-np.co.jp/article/319834

“Podrías haber sido vos”: emotivo reclamo por la liberación de los rehenes de Hamas a seis meses del feroz ataque a Israel
Cientos de personas se reunieron en el Parque Centenario; hay ocho argentinos que aún permanecen cautivos en manos del grupo terrorista
La Nacion, 8 de abril de 2024

A seis meses del feroz ataque de Hamas a Israel el 7 de octubre que desencadenó la guerra todavía hay 133 secuestrados en la Franja de Gaza. Al menos ocho son argentinos: los hermanos Eitan y Iair Horn y Ariel y David Cunio, Lior Rudaef, y los miembros de la familia Bibas: el bebé Kfir, su hermanito Ariel y su madre Shiri Silberman. Hoy, cientos de personas pidieron su liberación en un acto organizado por familiares y amigos en el Parque Centenario y acompañados y apoyados por instituciones de la colectividad judía.

“Podrías haber sido vos”, decían los carteles en el ingreso del parque. Eran idénticos a los que se usan con las fotos de las personas reportadas como secuestradas y con un espejo en el lugar de la foto para que cualquiera pudiera reflejarse. Además, voluntarios vestidos de negro repartían folletos con la historia de los rehenes.

Tras un minuto de silencio, los familiares de las personas secuestradas subieron al escenario. “A medio año, hoy estamos reunidos familiares y amigos de los secuestrados. Ninguno de nosotros se imaginó que esto se iba a extender tanto”, comenzó Gustavo Baabour, familiar de los Marman. Clara, Gabriela y Mia fueron liberadas, a Fernando y Luis los rescató el ejército israelí. “Cuesta entender que no se haya declarado a Hamas como una organización terrorista”, agregó. Una promesa del presidente Javier Milei que todavía no cumplió, un reclamo que también le habían hecho a la anterior administración de Alberto Fernández.

“Hace seis meses que seguimos buscando a mi primo Lior y no hay respuesta. Ninguna noticia, ningún rastro con vida suya tuvimos en este medio año. Solo desconcierto, tristeza y bronca. Hace seis meses que falta el hijo de Guiora, el hermano de Idith, el esposo de Yaffa, el papá de Noam, Nadav, Bar y Ben, el tío de Yael y Omer. Hace seis meses que falta mi primo. Hace poco nació tu primera nieta, Shai, que en hebreo significa regalo. ¿Será una señal su nombre? Tus dos nietos varones te extrañan mucho. Le prometí a tu papá, mi tío de 88 años que iba y voy a hacer lo que este a mi alcance para que vuelvas, para que te devuelvan a tu hogar. Una de sus frases por estos días es: ‘No importa cómo vuelvas, sino que vuelvas’. La mía es que te espero para poder abrazarte de nuevo”, dijo Micaela Rudaeff, prima de Lior, de 61 años, que vivía en el kibutz Nir Yitzhak.

Y agregó: “Hace seis meses que te arrancaron de tu lugar. Hace seis meses que tu moto está parada en el garage. Hace seis meses que el mundo sigue su cauce como si nada hubiera pasado. Hace seis meses que tengo un dolor muy grande y con nada se cura. Hace seis meses que las lágrimas caen y no se detienen. Hace seis meses que mi mundo se detuvo el fatídico 7 de octubre. Por momentos no sé para dónde ir. Ciento ochenta y cinco días en los que somos la voz de todos los que fueron silenciados ese fatídico sábado”.

Destrucción
“Yo viví en [el kibutz] Nir Oz, destruyeron el que alguna vez fue mi hogar. Veo entre las fotos de los secuestrados y fallecidos algunos de los que fueron mis vecinos, como a José y Margit Silberman, abuelos de Kfir y Ariel . Ese día eran miles los que estaban pasando por lo mismo. Homicidios, violaciones, secuestros, saqueos, en un accionar cuidadosamente planificado que todavía hoy persiste y nos inunda a todos. Nuestros pensamientos también siguen secuestrados. El 7 de octubre sigue pasando”, expresó Mirta Tinaro, tía de Ariel y David Cunio, dos de los hermanos que aún siguen secuestrados. A las hijas de David, a sus tan solo tres años, las liberaron luego de 52 días. “Y después de eso siguen esperando que papá vuelva a casa. Seguimos esperando que todos vuelvan a casa. Seis meses después todavía siguen en condiciones infrahumanas”, sumó.

“Hoy, sigue siendo 7 de octubre para todos los que estamos en el limbo de los que esperan. Que no sabemos si los que deben hacer algún esfuerzo están a la altura, si la inacción es porque no pueden, no tienen ganas o no les conviene. Ni eso sabemos. No sabemos si están o no están. Necesitamos dejar de hacer estos actos, dejar de postear videos, poder respirar sin un ladrillo en el pecho y lágrimas a punto de salir cada vez que se nombra el tema. Necesitamos que vuelvan. Necesitamos tener ese amigo que nunca te diría que no a una birra. La faltan dos hinchas a Atlanta. Necesitamos tener a Iago y Eitu para volver a tener a quien preguntarle dónde comer el mejor falafel o shawarma no importa el lugar del mundo dónde estemos. Necesitamos volver a ser personas. Así no se puede más”, siguió Jonathan Stolarza, amigo de Iair y Eitan Horn, que estaban juntos en el kibutz Nir Oz cuando los terroristas entraron a la casa del mayor, Iair.

Abusos
“Es una emoción que nunca antes había sentido que tiene que ver con una mezcla de incertidumbre, de no saber. Si estuvieran vivos, ¿cuáles son las condiciones en las que ellos estuvieron durante seis meses? ¿Comieron los chicos? ¿Siguieron junto con su mamá? ¿Los separaron inmediatamente? ¿Los mataron? ¿Están sufriendo? ¿Son torturados? Sabemos por las liberadas que estuvieron secuestradas más de 50 días que las mujeres sufren abusos de todo tipo y no es necesario escuchar los relatos de las personas que liberaron, con ver los videos del 7 de octubre que los mismos terroristas filmaron, mientras violaban, mataban, mutilan, ancianos y niños. Mujeres, familias enteras carbonizadas en sus propias casas. De hecho, mis tíos, los papás de Shiri estaban en su casa y 15 días más tarde pudieron identificar sus cuerpos”, dijo Sandra Miasnik, prima de Shiri Silberman.

Y siguió: “Después de ver todas esas atrocidades que hizo esta gente, sabés que tu familia está en esas manos y durante seis meses. Entonces, es difícil imaginar un solo minuto que una persona esté cerca de gente que es capaz de hacer esas atrocidades. Imagínate lo que son seis meses. Kfir debería tener un año y dos meses ahora. Salió de su casa. Todos lo vimos en brazos de su mamá como un bebé y ahora yo me lo imagino como un nene de un año y dos meses recién dando sus primeros pasos, con el pelito más largo”.

Cerraron al grito de “libérenlos ya”, detrás en la pantalla se leía “Hineni: yo estoy aquí. Seguimos aquí hasta que vuelvan todos”.

https://www.lanacion.com.ar/sociedad/podrias-haber-sido-vos-emotivo-reclamo-por-la-liberacion-de-los-rehenes-de-hamas-a-seis-meses-del-nid08042024/

2024/4/10 up-date:

2024/4/11 up-date:

SEXUELLE GEWALT DER HAMAS
Der Missbrauch der Vergewaltigungsopfer
VON THOMAS THIEL -AKTUALISIERT AM 10.04.2024

Die von der Universität Köln ausgeladene Philosophin Nancy Fraser wirft Israel vor, die Hamas-Vergewaltigungen propagandistisch ausgebeutet zu haben. Aber was steht eigentlich in dem von ihr unterzeichneten offenen Brief?

Auf ihre Ausladung durch die Universität Köln, wo sie Gastvorlesungen hatte halten sollen, hat Nancy Fraser zornig reagiert. In der „Frankfurter Rundschau“ kritisierte sie einen „McCarthyismus“, der der deutschen Wissenschaft schweren Schaden zufügen werde. Zuvor hatte die Philosophin aus der Tradition der Kritischen Theorie kein Problem damit, in einem offenen Brief selbst zum akademischen Boykott aufzurufen. Sie wollte israelische Universitäten für einen Krieg bestrafen, den diese nicht führen und der durch das Massaker der Hamas ausgelöst wurde, das den Autoren des Protestbriefs nur eine Randnotiz wert war.

Bei diesem Massaker wurden bekanntlich Frauen unter öffentlichem Applaus abgeschlachtet, bespuckt, vergewaltigt. Die Lust der Täter an der Erniedrigung ihrer Opfer erinnerte an die Barbarei des „Islamischen Staats“. Es folgte ein langes eisiges Schweigen der Vereinten Nationen und globaler Frauen- und Menschenrechtsorganisationen, bis israelische Frauenrechtlerinnen an die Öffentlichkeit traten und forderten, die Dinge endlich beim Namen zu nennen. Gewalt gegen Frauen, so ihr Vorwurf, sei für manche Frauengruppen offenbar kein Problem, wenn die Opfer Jüdinnen sind. Die „New York Times“ beschrieb die Hamas-Vergewaltigungen in einem langen Artikel. Acht Wochene nach dem Massaker entschloss sich die UN-Frauenorganisation zu einer dürren Stellungnahme.

more @
https://www.faz.net/aktuell/feuilleton/debatten/sexuelle-gewalt-hamas-nancy-fraser-19643882.html

Editorial: Chain of retribution must stop after Iran missile and drone attack on Israel

April 16, 2024 (Mainichi Japan)

Iran has unleashed over 300 drones and missiles on Israel. Some of them landed within Israeli territory, leaving a young girl wounded and causing damage to an air force base. Most of the weapons were intercepted with the assistance of Israeli allies including the United States, Britain and Jordan.

Amid the continued battle in the Gaza Strip, one of the two Palestinian territories, conflicts in the Middle East must not escalate.

Iran has long been at odds with Israel. Teheran previously relied on attacks by pro-Iranian proxies, such as Lebanon’s Shiite Muslim group Hezbollah and Yemen’s Houthi militant group. Iran’s latest action marked its first direct attack on Israel.

In early April, the Iranian embassy in the Syrian capital Damascus was bombarded, killing senior officials of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. Tehran claims that its recent attack was in retaliation for this.

Iran announced that it had launched missiles and drones after notifying surrounding countries in advance. This unusual move was apparently aimed at preventing civilian casualties. After the operation, Tehran called it a huge success and that the attack was over, implying that it was not willing to escalate.

The focus is now on how Israel will respond. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu hinted at a counterstrike, warning, “We’ll harm those who harm us.” If the two countries engage in a series of tit-for-tat attacks, the situation will only escalate, raising the risk of Israel opening an all-out war against Iran.

United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres warned, “Neither the region nor the world can afford more war,” and, “The Middle East is on the brink. … It’s time to step back from the brink.” With the bloody backdrop of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the humanitarian crisis in Gaza, he sounded an alarm against letting another war break out.

The Group of Seven major industrialized countries held an online summit, and released a statement saying, “We, the Leaders of the G7, unequivocally condemn in the strongest terms Iran’s direct and unprecedented attack against Israel,” calling for Tehran and its allies to cease their strikes.

The statement also said, “We will continue to work to stabilize the situation and avoid further escalation,” signifying their will to put all their effort into calming the situation.

Obviously, the conflict in Palestine is further destabilizing the region. First and foremost, Israel must halt its attacks on Gaza.

We must break the chain of retaliation. We urge the United States and the rest of the international community to exhaust all diplomatic efforts on this.

https://mainichi.jp/english/articles/20240416/p2a/00m/0op/006000c

社説
イランの大規模攻撃　報復の連鎖断ち切る時だ
朝刊政治面 毎日新聞 2024/4/16　東京朝刊

パレスチナ自治区ガザ地区で戦闘が続く中、これ以上、中東での紛争を拡大させてはならない。

　イランが無人機やミサイルによる計300発以上の攻撃をイスラエルに加えた。

　一部が領内に着弾して少女1人が負傷し、空軍基地に被害が出たが、ほとんどは米英やヨルダンなどの支援を受けて迎撃した。

　イランは長年、イスラエルと敵対してきた。これまではレバノンのイスラム教シーア派組織ヒズボラやイエメンの武装組織フーシ派など親イランの代理勢力による攻撃にとどめていた。イスラエル領を直接攻撃するのは初めてだ。

　今月初め、シリアの首都ダマスカスのイラン大使館が空爆され、革命防衛隊の幹部らが殺害された。それに対する報復だと主張している。

　周辺国に事前通告したうえ、ミサイルなどの発射を発表した。異例の対応は、被害を市民に及ぼさないためとみられる。

作戦終了後には、「大成功だった」「完了した」と述べ、さらなる戦火の拡大は望まない姿勢をにじませた。

　注目されるのはイスラエルの出方だ。ネタニヤフ首相は「危害を加える者を攻撃する」と反撃を示唆している。報復が続けば、事態はエスカレートし、イランとの本格戦争になるリスクが高まる。

「この地域も世界も、これ以上戦争をする余裕はない」「瀬戸際から後退する時が来た」

　国連のグテレス事務総長は、ロシアのウクライナ侵攻やガザでの人道危機を踏まえ、新たに戦端が開かれることに警鐘を鳴らした。

　主要7カ国（G7）はオンラインで首脳会議を開き、声明で「最も強い言葉で明確に非難する」とイランやその支援勢力に攻撃をやめるよう要求した。

また、「我々は引き続き、状況の安定化と混乱の拡大回避に努める」と述べ、事態の収拾に全力を挙げる姿勢を示した。

　パレスチナでの紛争によって地域の不安定さが増しているのは明らかだ。まずイスラエルがガザでの攻撃を停止する必要がある。

　報復の連鎖を断ち切らなければならない。米国をはじめ国際社会は、そのための外交努力を尽くすべきである。

https://mainichi.jp/articles/20240416/ddm/005/070/034000c

klausbiesenbach

COMMENTS PLEASE
https://www.instagram.com/p/C50acSSu5td/

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up-date 2024/4/20

Christoph Büchel Returns with Another Venice Provocation, Addressing the War in Gaza, NFTs, and More

A “hacker’s lair” from Christoph Büchel’s latest project, “Monte di Pietà”, on view in Venice.

quote:
The Biennale this time around largely steered clear of openly discussing Israel’s war in Gaza, but surprisingly, Büchel of all people has waded into the fray, offering in one gallery what appears to be live feeds of Jerusalem, Gaza, and the border between Israel and Lebanon. In another, he is showing CCTV footage that purports to be coming in from Kyiv, Dnipro, and other Ukrainian cities. Büchel doesn’t take a stance on these conflicts, which makes the presentation of these images both ambiguous and uncomfortable, but it is obvious he thinks these wars imbricate in the quest for disenfranchisement of the unempowered. You certainly cannot accuse this show of being disinteresting.

A feed of the war in Gaza.

quotes:
As one might expect, Büchel’s show edges into problematic terrain. Addressing the NFT boom and its subsequent implosion feels acceptable for Büchel to do, but creating a room devoted to sex work, with a stripper’s pole and a box of Durex condoms, does not. Re-presenting archival materials dedicated to the Monte di Pietà of Venice here feels like salient institutional critique, but a poster that calls for an end to the Venice Biennale, seemingly in parody of the protests agitating for the ejection of the Israeli Pavilion, does not.

The problem, as usual with Büchel, is that it’s ultimately difficult to make definitive pronouncements about what his political values are. Were his art not so grand, so spectacular, and so bizarre, it would be easy to write it off entirely. To his credit, he makes doing so pretty tough. To that end, see this show, then debate it. It cannot be ignored altogether.

full text:
https://www.artnews.com/art-news/reviews/christoph-buchel-returns-with-another-venice-provocation-1234703874/

Columbia University students chanting:

“Hamas make us proud, kill another soldier now”

Young American trust fund girls chanting “free all our prisoners” as if they were members of Hamas

Madness…
12:12 AM · Apr 22, 2024
1.9M Views

This Video of a group of Palestinians in the West Bank is rather shocking not in what is being filmed ( It is just a gathering of men) but what is being said:
👉What is being said is the Ideology of the Government of Gaza aka Hamas/Iran (The Green Flag) and 90% of Palestinians in the West Bank according to the Associated Press.
👉What is being said is the decoded Slogans of the protest marches of Hamas/Iran invented slogans: “From the River to the Sea” – “Free Free Palestine” – “By any means necessary” – “Judaism Yes Zionism No”
👉It must be said that there is a big difference in ideology with between these Palestinians “Mahmoud Abbas is the President of rhe Palastinain Authroity Who is the Goverment in the West Bank) and the 2.9 Million who have Israeli citizenship and live in Israel proper. They wouldn’t want Hamas ruling over them for anything.
(One may not like the facts but they are far better than the comfort of a delusion)
10:58 PM · Apr 21, 2024
1,408 Views
https://twitter.com/Islam4democracy/status/1782151968489722298

Anti-Israel protester attacks Alec Baldwin, demanding he shouts “Free Palestine”

The Islamic regime in Iran isn’t the only problem.

Qatar is also highly problematic to say the least.

Here we have one of their representatives speaking at an Arab League yesterday:

“October 7th is only the beginning. We will eliminate all the Jews”
7:19 PM · Apr 23, 2024 303.4K Views

フランスでパレスチナ問題に影響を受けた移民男性が、ユダヤ人女性を誘拐しレイプし、さらに彼女の母親に脅迫のメッセージを送った模様。もう完全な反ユダヤ主義が形成され始めている。
Translated from Japanese by
In France, an immigrant man influenced by the Palestinian issue kidnapped and raped a Jewish woman, and then sent threatening messages to her mother. Full-blown anti-Semitism is already beginning to take shape.

24 Abr, 2024
Movimientos diplomáticos entre Corea del Norte e Irán encienden las sospechas sobre una posible cooperación armamentística
Los intercambios de alto nivel entre ambos países son poco comunes, siendo el último registrado en 2019, cuando el entonces vicepresidente de la Asamblea Popular Suprema, Pak Chol-min, visitó la república islámica con el fin de fortalecer lazos

https://www.infobae.com/america/mundo/2024/04/24/movimientos-diplomaticos-entre-corea-del-norte-e-iran-encienden-las-sospechas-sobre-una-posible-cooperacion-armamentistica/

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会田誠 reposted

女たちのデータベース広場
@females_db_park
ヒジャブデモに楽曲提供した男性ですら死刑になるのか

ニカ・シャクラミのことは忘れられない
「ヒジャブを適切に着ていない」として女性を殺害する国に抗議するため、16歳の少女が好きな服を着て、歌って踊った
たったそれだけで8日間拷問・陵辱を限りを尽くされ、遺体の鼻は完全に潰れてた
Translated from Japanese by Google
Will even the man who provided music for the hijab demonstration be sentenced to death?

I will never forget Nika Shakrami. A 16-year-old girl wore her favorite clothes, sang and danced to protest against a country that kills women for “not wearing the hijab properly.” For just that, she was tortured and humiliated for eight days, and her nose was completely crushed.

春ねむり HARU NEMURI (She/Her)
@haru_nemuri
あってはならないことすぎる

イラン人ラッパーに死刑判決　抗議デモ支援の楽曲制作 | TBS NEWS DIG
Translated from Japanese by Google
This is something that should never happen.

Iranian rapper sentenced to death for creating song in support of protests | TBS NEWS DIG

ハマスのセクシャルハラスメントの証言記録ドキュメンタリー。これでもまだあなたはハマスを支持しますか？

多分なぜイスラエルがハマスの壊滅を求めて、必死に拉致を奪回したいのか、理解できると思います。

Screams before Silence
A documentary film on the sexual violence committed by Hamas on October 7, 2023.
https://www.screamsbeforesilence.com

今🇵🇸をサポートする事は過激派テロ武装組織をサポートするのは違う。今イスラエルを攻撃し、非難しているのはイスラム“過激派”武装テロ組織ハマスとイスラム聖戦。資金と武器で援助しているのがイラン🇮🇷国家です。米国の大学などでデモを起こし不安定化させているのも同じ人々で平和と安定を乱す。
Translated from Japanese by Google
Supporting them now 🇵🇸 is not the same as supporting extremist terrorist armed organizations. The ones attacking and criticizing Israel right now are the Islamic “extremist” armed terrorist organizations Hamas and Islamic Jihad. They are being supported with funds and weapons by the state of Iran 🇮🇷 . The same people are also causing instability by starting demonstrations at universities in the United States, disrupting peace and stability.

コハブ・エリヤキム-レヴィは10月7日以降、ハマスのセクシャルハラスメントの記録を収集してきた第一人者シリル・サンドバルグがそれを映像化しました。🔗で見れます。日本の報道では無視された記録どうぞ見てください！
Translated from Japanese by Google
Kohab Eliakim-Levi has been filming the Hamas sexual harassment case since October 7th, and was recorded by Cyril Sandberg, a leading expert who has been collecting records of sexual harassment in Hamas. You can see it here 🔗 . Please take a look at the records that were ignored in the Japanese media!